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| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
104302
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
At the beginning of 2011, Beijing repeatedly denied rumors that it was planning to send troops to North Korea. "Totally groundless," said Foreign Ministry spokesman Hong Lei, referring to reports in South Korean media that China had been holding discussions with the Democratic People's Republic of Korea about stationing of Chinese forces in the northeastern port of Rason. "China will not send a single soldier to other countries without the approval of the UN," the Defense Ministry said to the Global Times, a Communist Party-run paper.The denial was necessitated by South Korea's broadsheets, which had been carrying stories for months that Beijing was negotiating the entry of the People's Liberation Army into the DPRK, as the Kim family regime calls itself. In the most dramatic of the articles, the Chosun Ilbo reported in mid-January that sources said Chinese forces were already in North Korea. In the east, the reports stated, some fifty armored vehicles and tanks crossed the Tumen River at night about thirty miles from Rason in the middle of December. In the west, PLA jeeps in Dandong were seen heading to the North Korean city of Sinuiju, just south of the Yalu River, at about the same moment. If true, China's troops are back in the North for the first time since 1994, when they withdrew from Panmunjom, the truce village in the Demilitarized Zone
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| 2 |
ID:
145706
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| Summary/Abstract |
Civil war acutely inhibits economic growth, according to a prominent set of civil war literature. However, recent scholarship observes that foreign direct investment (FDI), considered a central vehicle of growth, is entering countries with internal armed conflicts unabated. Furthermore, some civil war economies exhibit substantial increases in FDI during conflict. According to this scholarship, FDI enters conflict zones in spite of violence. This article contrastingly adopts a critical framework acknowledging the often violent characteristics of globalized capitalism. By analyzing Colombia's oil industry (the country's largest sector of FDI), this article suggests that civil war violence can create conditions that facilitate FDI inflows. More specifically, this article posits that violence perpetrated by armed groups sympathetic to the interests of the oil industry—namely the public armed forces and right-wing paramilitaries—has facilitated FDI in Colombia's oil sector. In particular, processes of forced displacement and violence against civilian groups have served to protect economically important infrastructure and have acquired land for oil exploration. Moreover, civilian groups deemed inimical to oil interests have been violently targeted. By using disaggregate-level data on the conflict in Arauca, an important oil-producing region of Colombia, this case study indicates that intensifying levels of civil war violence in areas of economic interest are followed by increases in oil production, exploration, and investment.
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