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| 1 |
ID:
192052
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper uses the event study methodology to examine whether ‘significant’ terror attacks that occurred in the Eurozone in the 21st century affect stock markets. We find that such events do have a negative effect both on the market of the country suffering the attack, and on the general Eurozone market index. Depending on the method and the market index used, this effect ranges between −0.3% and −0.62% and is concentrated entirely on the day of the attack. We moreover find that this effect is more pronounced and of significance during the first decade of the 21st century. Regression analysis revealed that the most important factor affecting the magnitude of the effect is economic damage resulting from the attack.
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| 2 |
ID:
153149
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London, Bodley Head, 2017.
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| Description |
ix, 550p.pbk
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| Standard Number |
9781847924469
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 059080 | 337.1/VAR 059080 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 3 |
ID:
128579
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| 4 |
ID:
155886
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| 5 |
ID:
117483
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The largest ever rebellion of Conservative MPs on Europe took place in October 2011 with 81 Conservative MPs defying the Conservative whip to vote for a referendum on Britain's continued membership of the European Union. This resurgence of dissent over Europe has been fuelled by the crisis in the eurozone. The Conservative party is now an overwhelmingly Eurosceptic party, but Conservative Eurosceptics are divided over whether the Government should use the opportunity of the eurozone crisis to take Britain out of the European Union, or whether it should seek to negotiate a looser arrangement, or do nothing at all. Conservative policy on Europe has been further complicated by the coalition with the Liberal Democrats, and by the consequences for the British economy if the eurozone disintegrates. Public opinion is also divided. British policy on the European Union remains ambivalent and muddled because British aims are inconsistent, and because there is no consensus on where Britain's interests truly lie.
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| 6 |
ID:
141803
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| Summary/Abstract |
The crisis of the eurozone has narrowed to a conflict between Greece and Germany. At times it has appeared to be a family quarrel with all the animosity that a family can generate. The two are like an elderly father and an adolescent son unable to talk to each other. The son questions everything and wants to engage in dialogue, but his provocative watiy of framing questions drives the father to exasperation. The father answers questions with maxims and mantras, and his refusal to engage in dialogue impels the son to further provocation.
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| 7 |
ID:
132978
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Few people have been shielded from the recent financial crisis and fewer still have suffered more than the Greeks. With unemployment rates above 27 percent, youth unemployment just below 60 percent, 25 percent shrinking of the GDP since 2009, higher taxes, lower wages and pensions, and only modest price deflation in the market, it is hard to be optimistic about a quick economic recovery. From Stagnation to Forced Adjustment provides a thorough discussion of the chronic pathologies that rendered Greece the weakest link during the Eurozone crisis. The book's contributors consider a range of explanations for "reform stagnation" in Greece despite the presence of seemingly favorable institutional conditions since the transition to democracy in 1974-a unitary state with stable one-party governments, cohesive parties, and few veto players. The theme of the volume is that lack of reform is causally related to the intense financial crisis that led to the sovereign debt crisis in Greece. The authors suggest that the crisis occured because of contextual factors that did not allow reforms to function properly or in some cases to be implemented at all. By setting the current crisis in a broader historical and political context, the book makes possible a deeper understanding of the developments surrounding it. And a review of this book provides an opportunity to also consider the broader meaning of the Greek crisis, which poses important questions for the future of democracy in the Eurozone.
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| 8 |
ID:
119756
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| 9 |
ID:
120973
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| 10 |
ID:
111660
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The European single currency system has come under unprecedented strain during the past three years and there is little reason to assume that this will diminish, in any significant way, in the near future. This article briefly explores the background to the current eurozone crisis before outlining a number of potential solutions. Specifically, we discuss how the credit crunch induced recession of 2008 triggered the problems within the eurozone regarding sovereign debt, looking at the issues of spill-over and free-rider effects, together with the implementation of EMU fiscal rules. The analysis is then extended by outlining a series of potential remedies. This consists of a critical evaluation of solutions that the EU has already instigated (i.e. moral persuasion, financial relief measures and debt default), together with a series of alternative propositions (i.e. fiscal federalism and a European Clearing Union) and even the collapse of the euro.
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| 11 |
ID:
125013
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
THE HEAD OF SAXO BANK, Lars Christensen said in September last year, "the Eurozone does not need to be saved, it must be scrapped." It seems that the events on the small romantic island of Cyprus are finally consolidating this trend, which for lack of political will would be not so much administrative as cumulative and suicidal in character.
"All these officials are afraid to look the problem in the eye. The main problem is that there is one currency, but many completely different economies. Greece, with its uncompetitive economy, needs a weak currency. The German currency, obviously, should be stronger than the current euro. There is only one solution - to make more currencies. "
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| 12 |
ID:
126760
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article explores how both the sovereign debt crisis and the European Union's response illustrate fundamental characteristics of contemporary European integration. In the face of an unexpected emergency, national politicians took the lead and pressed ahead with more integration. The long-term results though depend on national acceptance of not just the bailout provisions but also enforcement of debt brakes mandated by the new EU treaty. This means democratic politics at the national level will continue to have a fundamental influence on EU affairs, while the North/South split will co-exist alongside a more marked separation between countries inside and outside the Eurozone. In this context of increased political turbulence within the EU, there is likely to be only a limited window of opportunity for successful negotiation of a free-trade deal with the United States.
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| 13 |
ID:
120525
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| 14 |
ID:
144611
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| Summary/Abstract |
Today, there is essentially one accepted narrative [2] of the economic crisis that began in late 2007. Overly optimistic homebuyers and reckless lenders [3] in the United States created a housing price bubble. Regulators were asleep at the switch. When the bubble inevitably popped, the government had to bail out the banks, and the United States suffered its deepest and longest slump since the 1930s. For anyone who has seen or read The Big Short, this story will be familiar.
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| 15 |
ID:
119891
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2012.
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On October 22, 1957, a London Times headline declared: "Heavy Fog in Channel - Continent Cut Off." Britain's tabloid press displayed similar insularity in early December, 2011 after Prime Minister David Cameron vetoed an effort by the other members of the European Union to amend the Lisbon Treaty.
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| 16 |
ID:
145252
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The year 2015 started with a great promise for austerity-harmed people in Greece, but within a few months the promise began to fade as reality sunk in. It was a year that the Coalition of the Radical Left (SYRIZA) achieved a historic electoral triumph in Greece. SYRIZA came to power promising to end the austerity era. However, from its first days in office, the new government realized that keeping this promise would be a far greater challenge than winning the election. Cancelation of the austerity measures required renegotiation of Greece's bailout loans, loans that were conditional on Greece's implementation of these measures. Given that the European lenders had their reasons for setting things up this way, it was not long before Greece's strong anti-austerity drive set the country on a collision course with the eurozone. The negotiations between the two sides are examined in this essay through the perspective of Greece's half-century-long relationship with the European Union and against a backdrop of personal observations and comment, relevant public sentiments, and critical events defining each period discussed.
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| 17 |
ID:
128588
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| 18 |
ID:
167235
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After the 2018 general election, Italy became the only Western European country governed exclusively by anti-establishment forces. The importance of this goes beyond domestic implications, not only because what happens to the south of the Alps is relevant to the future of the European Union, but also because, with Italy often having been a bellwether for global trends, more general lessons can be drawn from its history. The Italian populist uprising can best be understood by looking at how the malfunctioning of the Italian public sphere, the anti-political zeitgeist, and the country’s struggle to squeeze itself into the European monetary straitjacket have interacted with each other over the last forty years. Two junctures are critical: the political and institutional earthquake of 1992-94, and the sovereign debt crisis of 2011 and its aftermath.
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| 19 |
ID:
111028
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The financial crisis of 2008 and even more so the crisis of the Eurozone drastically increased the demand for decisive leadership and public crisis management. Due to the size of its economy and its position in the global as well as in the European economy, Germany should take the lead in this crisis management. Germany's management of the two crises differs but also shows strong similarities. A "center-left Grand Coalition" managed the global financial crisis; a global crisis in which Germany was one among several relevant global players. A center-right government under the leadership of the same chancellor then during the sovereign debt crisis manages the Eurozone crisis. This is a regional crisis but with global implications. German government was slow in responding to both crises but acted eventually after some procrastination. Both cases, however, differ with regards to Germany's actual role in crisis management. During the global financial crisis, other global actors pushed Germany to the forefront. The Eurozone crisis, a regional crisis, demands a leading role of Germany, the largest economy and member state of the EU. The paper, however, argued that the German crisis management with regards to the Eurozone is very much driven by ideas that preserve German norms but do not live up to the challenges of the crisis. Germany's insistence in its own interests and norms hinders the delivery of a comprehensive crisis management of the Eurozone crisis within the European Union.
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| 20 |
ID:
143810
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