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| 1 |
ID:
113597
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| 2 |
ID:
109727
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| 3 |
ID:
107153
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The 2 May 2011 US special-forces raid on al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden's compound in Abbottabad marked a low point in already strained US-Pakistan relations. Although Washington provides more than $1 billion in annual aid to Islamabad, divergent strategic interests with regard to Afghanistan have caused friction between the allies, and many Pakistanis resent that they are on the front line of America's war against terrorism (over 4,300 civilians have been killed in terrorist attacks across Pakistan since 2007). This tension manifested on 14 May, when, in response to the Abbottabad raid, a joint session of both houses of the Pakistani parliament passed a unanimous resolution to defend the country's sovereignty, security and territorial integrity against US military actions.
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| 4 |
ID:
106709
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| 5 |
ID:
126887
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
I.A. Rehman gives a brief history of the six-decade long US-Pakistan relationship.
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| 6 |
ID:
114026
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This essay interrogates popular beliefs about Islamization of the Pakistan Army officer corps and the polity from which the army recruits. It first assembles and synthesizes the extant secondary literature on Islamization of Pakistan generally, and the army in particular. As access to the Pakistan Army diminished after 1990 when numerous US sanctions on Pakistan limited defense cooperation and other forms of bilateral engagements, this secondary literature is generally truncated to 1990. To expand what is known about the Pakistan Army, this essay next presents the results of an ongoing quantitative analysis of district-level officer recruitment (and retirement) data. This ecological study finds that, as recently as 2002, districts that produce army officers are actually more socially liberal and urban than is commonly believed. This essay discusses the implications of the changes in the officer corps and concludes with a call for a robust research agenda on the Pakistan Army.
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| 7 |
ID:
132425
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| 8 |
ID:
107586
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| 9 |
ID:
104386
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| 10 |
ID:
126765
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| 11 |
ID:
132480
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Political instability, economic Volatility, the rise of the right-wing political leadership and an increase in the number of terrorist organisations operating from Pakistan and gaining the support of the Pakistani establishment have nations concerned about the safety of the nuclear assets within Pakistan. Adding to the problem is the well documented proliferation network that has supplied nuclear technology to North Korea, Libya and Iran, with Pakistan, at its centre. These actions have increased the problems and challenges that nuclear proliferation poses. The proliferation of nuclear weapons technology, associated technology and/ or nuclear material to any state or non-state actor, not recognised to receive such technology or material, is one of the most serious dangers to the international security environment. This contributes to not just regional instability and global proliferation, but also increases the risk of violent non-state groups obtaining a nuclear weapon, with a number of violent extremist groups opposed to
India operating from Pakistan. These issues have raised concerns among the international community about the security of Pakistani nuclear weapons. For the United States, Pakistan poses a serious dilemma. Pakistan has been an 'ally' of the United States during the Cold War and continues.
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| 12 |
ID:
108881
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
United States-Pakistan relations and devising appropriate policy responses surfaced as one of the most critical foreign policy challenges for the United States since late 2007. The heightened US concern followed the simmering growth of suicide terrorism and extremism in Pakistan as well as the unprecedented increase in al Qaeda and the Taliban attack on the US allied forces in Afghanistan staged from the "safe haven" of Afghanistan-Pakistan border areas. Scholars, analysts and the policymakers started to venture what is wrong with US-Pakistan relations. After the tragic event of 11 September 2001, the United States renewed its relationship with Pakistan, and declared it as an "indispensable ally" against the "global war on terror". It has also been incorporated as a "frontline state" in fighting the US-led war against terrorism in Afghanistan. Ironically, this post-11 September deep alliance between the US and Pakistan also coincided with the latest round of military dictatorship of General Pervez Musharraf in Pakistan. Therefore, a comprehensive analysis of US-Pakistan relations during the Musharraf regime might help us in explaining the problems that their bilateral relations are currently facing and may shed light in formulating future policies for Pakistan afresh. The present paper therefore, focuses on three aspects of the US-Pakistan relations during the Musharraf regime. First, it intends to assess United States' policy objectives during the Musharraf era. Obviously, fighting and eradicating terrorism and extremism was a dominant objective, but there were other objectives as well viz., Pakistan's and global security, nuclear non-proliferation, US's economic and strategic opportunities in South Asia, and democracy promotion in the Muslim world. Second, an attempt is made to analyse the strategies that were followed to pursue the objectives? Economic and security assistances are well-known strategies, but, was implicit support to Musharraf's military regime also a part of US strategy? If yes, what explains such strategy especially since it is contradictory to US's grand strategy of democracy promotion? And finally, what results were achieved by pursuing those policies in such particular way? Therefore, the paper would seek answers to such questions: Were the policies pursued by the US appropriate? Were the ways in which they were pursued the most effective way? Is the present situation in Pakistan an outcome of wrong policies or the wrong strategies? And what explains the lack of US' success?
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| 13 |
ID:
115081
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The last calendar year was by far the most tumultuous in a decade of tense and mistrustful relations between Pakistan and the United States. It began with CIA contractor Raymond Davis shooting and killing two Pakistanis in broad daylight in Lahore, then only worsened in May when Osama bin Laden was found and killed in a US raid at a compound near the Pakistan Military Academy in Abbottabad (an episode that severely angered Pakistanis and embarrassed the Army, which was domestically seen as unable to secure the homeland against foreign intrusion and internationally suspected of providing refuge to America's worst enemy). Tensions escalated further as the US began pressuring Pakistan to attack the Haqqani Network (HN), a Taliban group with safe havens in North Waziristan. Pakistan refused, and crisis hit when the HN launched a twenty-two hour assault on the US Embassy and NATO headquarters in Kabul. An infuriated Admiral Mike Mullen, outgoing chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, lashed out against Pakistan, saying the HN was a "veritable arm" of Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) agency. Weeks of diplomatic efforts finally thawed relations, but just as the situation stabilized, a NATO attack on a Pakistani checkpoint in Salala in late November threw the relationship into a tailspin. Twenty-four Pakistani soldiers died in the two-hour assault. Pakistan was furious, immediately suspending NATO supply lines and boycotting the Bonn conference on Afghanistan held in early December.
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| 14 |
ID:
110139
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