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| 1 |
ID:
192474
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| Summary/Abstract |
THE Embassy of Russia in Israel has prepared an online exhibition, "A.G. Yakovlev: 10 Years of Service as Russian Imperial Consul General in the Holy Land," to honor the memory of outstanding diplomat and Orientalist Alexander Yakovlev (https://yakovlev-jerusalem.ru). The website has desktop and mobile versions. His biography, digitized archival materials, documents, and photos (some of them never before published) serve as an excellent illustration of the history of Russia's presence in the Holy Land in the latter half of the 19th century.
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| 2 |
ID:
189228
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As the Chinese state ramps up its efforts in international narrative competitions, Chinese media master new genres and test different visual languages on global social media platforms. The diverse content they produce provides a new source of information about China’s self-representations intended for foreigners and thus provides a condensed answer to one of the key questions of China’s foreign policy: Who is China? It also responds to the question that many observers outside of China pose: What does China’s rise mean for the rest of the world? To explain how Chinese state media use new mediums to (re)imagine China and narrate its relations with the world, this study focuses on the entertainment visual content they posted on YouTube between 2013 and 2019 to introduce and endorse Xi Jinping’s Belt and Road initiative (BRI). Using a critical discursive methodology, it decodes text-visual frames created by Chinese media to bring to the fore components of BRI’s discursive politics that are imperceptible in formal diplomatic communications.
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| 3 |
ID:
125593
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
As a relatively new domain for potential warfare, cyberspace is increasingly part of the international security agenda. Paul Meyer examines efforts to establish cyber safety rules and outlines the challenges faced in reaching an agreement on them.
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| 4 |
ID:
169518
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| Summary/Abstract |
THE DYNAMISM of the modern world, the growing interdependence of its subjects, and the rapid development of information and communication technologies (ICT) contribute to a significant intensification of interstate dialogue, as well as the emergence of new forms and methods of influencing international audiences. In these conditions, the role diplomatic agencies play in providing information support of foreign policy activity (ISFPA) and how they do so is changing.
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| 5 |
ID:
144995
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The European Union (EU) is an entity in re-evolution in relation to the development of its human rights strategy. This paper will examine the EU’s human rights advocacy in external relations in the context of normative power Europe (NPE), particularly in relation to the notion of the EU becoming a ‘norm entrepreneur’ with its revised human rights ‘toolbox’. The promotion and protection of human rights is cited as being at the core of European values, together with democracy and the rule of law, having both an internal and external focus in rights promotion and protection. This paper endeavours to present an analysis of the EU as norm entrepreneur in the context of human rights advocate. In so doing, it will examine the question of EU visibility in terms of human rights promotion. In its external action, the EU has a number of ‘tools’ in its human rights toolbox. By applying a rights inclusion analysis to the tool of digital diplomacy in an Asian context, the question of EU as norm entrepreneur is seen to be driven by strategic interests and partnerships. This paper argues that the EU is an ‘inadvertent’ norm entrepreneur through its programmatic pursuit of being an entrepreneur for social good in its external action rather than norm diffusion as experienced in a European context.
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| 6 |
ID:
170993
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This examination analyses transformations to statecraft accelerated by digital media technologies. This theory-building study moves beyond digitalisation of diplomacy as a means of adapting statecraft to evolving media landscapes, and extends to the governance of soft power capabilities. It challenges static approaches to digital diplomacy and argues for conceptualisations of soft power that account for changes to statecraft. To theorise this dynamic, the concept of ‘soft power statecraft’ and the notion of hybridity in the analysis of ‘GREAT’, Britain’s prominent strategic campaign, reveal trajectories of change elicited by it. The findings, drawn from interviews, policy data, and media artefacts, reveal how ‘GREAT’ embodies a hybridised approach to soft power statecraft at the levels of governance, communicative practices, media landscapes, and cultures. They reveal how these changes translate into statecraft strategies for the articulation of soft power.
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| 7 |
ID:
184042
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In 2014, Sweden’s Feminist Foreign Policy (FFP) was announced with a fanfare. This article critically interrogates how Sweden implements the FFP through digital diplomacy by investigating the extent of Sweden’s gender equality activities on Twitter since the introduction of the FFP and by tracing gendered online abuse in digital diplomacy. I focus on Swedish embassy tweets towards two countries where feminism is highly contested – Poland and Hungary. The theoretical inspiration comes from discursive approaches to the spoken and unspoken, enriched by feminist observations about the non-binary character of voice/silence. The method applied is gender-driven quantitative and qualitative content analysis. The findings demonstrate that the FFP has not set any significant mark on digital diplomacy in the analyzed cases. The launching of the FFP went completely unnoticed and posts related to gender equality have actually decreased since 2014. There are no traces of ambassadors being subjected to gendered online abuse, but heavily xenophobic and paternalistic language is directed at Sweden as a representative of liberal policies. The article contributes to the literature on digital diplomacy by highlighting the (lack of) links between foreign policy and digital diplomacy and it addresses a gap by focusing on gender in digital diplomacy.
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| 8 |
ID:
184393
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| Summary/Abstract |
Digital diplomacy is an efficient tool for building close relationships between countries, especially when it comes to people-to-people diplomacy (P2P). This article aims to explore how the Iranian embassy in Beijing uses Chinese social media and reveals the motivations and changes in its behaviour. The main finding was that 2019 was a turning point; before 2019, the embassy messages were more informative without targeting specifically its Chinese audience, and since 2019 the messages have been showing deeper understating the local discourse and, therefore, have been more tailored for its Chinese audience. The main reasons for that were the place of Iran in the China-US trade war, the role of the EU in uplifting Iran's status in the international community, and the Ambassadors' characteristics and background, which switched at the end of 2018.
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| 9 |
ID:
180726
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| Summary/Abstract |
First, this year we can draw a certain tentative line marking the end of an entire decade-long phase in the development of digital diplomacy and draw initial conclusions. The concept of digital diplomacy gained currency 10 years ago, in September 2010. This was the result of a document prepared by the US Department of State titled "IT Strategic Plan: Fiscal Years 2011-2013 - Digital Diplomacy," which defined digital diplomacy as the use of social networks in US diplomacy. At the same time, the terms Twiplomacy and Twitter Revolution were introduced, owing to the accelerated development of information and communications technology and the growing popularity of social networks. Finally, the US Department of State formulated the conceptual framework and methodological foundations of Internet Diplomacy, and formed a special department to supervise this type of public diplomacy.
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| 10 |
ID:
104658
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| 11 |
ID:
160079
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Few studies to date have investigated the impact of digitalization on Putnam’s two-level game theory. Such an investigation is warranted given that state and non-state actors can employ digital tools to influence decision-making processes at both national and international levels. This study advances a new theoretical concept, Domestic Digital Diplomacy, which refers to the use of social media by a government to build domestic support for its foreign policy. This model is introduced through the case study of the @TheIranDeal twitter channel, a social media account launched by the Obama White House to rally domestic support for the ratification of the Iran Nuclear Agreement. The study demonstrates that digitalization has complicated the two-level game by democratizing access to foreign policy decisions and increasing interactions between the national and international levels of diplomacy.
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| 12 |
ID:
167591
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article responds to previous efforts to calculate diplomatic prestige while adapting these methodologies to the exigencies of digital diplomacy. In particular, we are interested in how digital diplomacy provides opportunities for diplomatic actors lacking in material resources to overcome prestige deficits. We adapt approaches used in earlier studies to calculate the material and ideational components of diplomatic prestige to the online sphere—in terms of presence, centrality and perceptions. By analysing the twitter accounts of 67 foreign ministries and 33 United Nations missions, we find that the traditional markers of diplomatic prestige do not automatically translate online, and that significant effort is required to maintain prestige in online diplomatic networks. We also find that the flexibility and transience of online networks do allow diplomatic actors a degree of prestige mobility. Hence, this study is highly significant for understanding how prestige is managed and strategically influenced in digital diplomacy.
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| 13 |
ID:
144952
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| Summary/Abstract |
All propaganda has side effects. The negative aspects of those effects may eventually outweigh the expected benefits. In international relations propaganda foments hostility, disrupts dialogue, and causes those who dispense it to behave in an unpredictable manner. Like any instrument, propaganda may backfire. It formats not only the target audience, but the author as well. This is particularly true when the author is not just reluctant to take a critical look at how the desired ends were achieved, but when that author denies the very possibility that such influence exists.
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| 14 |
ID:
180761
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| Summary/Abstract |
RUSSIA strives to act as constructively as possible in the international arena" - this is one of the most significant statements that Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov made at an annual press conference on the results of Russian diplomacy [2]. And it is fundamentally important today, when major changes in the global situation, triggered this time by the coronavirus pandemic, have made it an urgent task for international actors to develop the most rational approaches to the new challenges and to ensure national interests in the new situation.
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| 15 |
ID:
150484
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| Summary/Abstract |
A common assumption in international relations (IR) theory is that threat perception involves the very deliberate and painstaking task of processing information. Costly signals, movements toward rapprochement, conciliatory gestures, speech acts, intentioned behavior, and other actions are interpreted and consciously analyzed in order to answer the simple question: Does the relevant actor pose a threat? Yet, a wealth of evidence from psychology and neuroscience suggests that rather than consciously evaluating others, we tend to make quick judgments within milliseconds of meeting. First impressions, it turns out, are critical to judgments of threat as well as trustworthiness. And crucially, first impressions are sticky in that they last long into a relationship and color future interactions. This article elaborates this cognitive bias in IR threat perception, posits a theory of first impressions at the individual level of analysis, and outlines its importance in diplomacy. In particular, I connect the literature on first impressions to the problem of first encounters in constructivist theorizing, suggest links to the proliferation of symbolic violence, and find an antidote to symbolic violence in the practice of digital diplomacy.
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