| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
104554
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| 2 |
ID:
104557
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| 3 |
ID:
104552
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| 4 |
ID:
104564
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| 5 |
ID:
104558
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| 6 |
ID:
104550
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Wilson reflects on the nearly eight hundred research studies that claim to provide an empirical test of the arguments presented in his book The Declining Significance of Race (1978; second edition, 1980). Wilson considers representative studies that incorrectly address his book, before discussing those publications that correctly address his thesis, including those that uphold, partially support, or challenge his arguments and basic claims. In the process, Wilson explores how some of these studies led him to revise or extend parts of his basic thesis, especially as it pertains to race and interracial relations today. Wilson also takes into account changes within the African American population since he wrote The Declining Significance of Race. He reveals how his thoughts have changed with respect to both race- and class-based solutions for the problems faced by people of color.
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| 7 |
ID:
104560
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| 8 |
ID:
104556
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| 9 |
ID:
104562
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| 10 |
ID:
104565
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| 11 |
ID:
104561
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| 12 |
ID:
104563
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| 13 |
ID:
104549
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Although American society will not become race-blind anytime soon, the meaning of race is changing, and processes of racial formation now are quite different than those prevailing just two generations ago. Massey puts the present moment in historical perspective by reviewing progress toward racial equality through successive historical epochs, from the colonial era to the age of Obama. He ends by exploring the contours of racial formation in the United States today, outlining a program for a new civil rights movement in the twenty-first century.
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| 14 |
ID:
104548
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In 1965, when Dædalus published two issues on "The Negro American," civil rights in the United States had experienced a series of triumphs and setbacks. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 extended basic citizenship rights to African Americans, and there was hope for further positive change. Yet 1965 also saw violent confrontations in Selma, Alabama, and the Watts neighborhood of Los Angeles that were fueled by racial tensions. Against this backdrop of progress and retreat, the contributors to the Dædalus volumes of the mid-1960s considered how socioeconomic factors affected the prosperity, well-being, and social standing of African Americans. Guest editor Lawrence D. Bobo suggests that today we inhabit a similarly unsettled place: situated somewhere between the overt discrimination of Jim Crow and the aspiration of full racial equality. In his introduction, Bobo paints a broad picture of the racial terrain in America today before turning the volume over to the contributors, who take up particular questions ranging from education and family support, to racial identity and politics, to employment and immigration.
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| 15 |
ID:
104559
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
After Barack Obama's historic election, media reports overwhelmingly credited white independents with setting aside decades of racially polarized voting to send the nation's first black president to the White House. Lee looks more closely to reveal that Obama owes a greater debt to non-white voters (partisan and nonpartisan) than to white independents. As more people of color - including immigrant and second-generation Latinos and Asian Americans - join the ranks of nonpartisan voters, the concept of pan-racialism can shed light on how individuals of a shared demographic category come to engage, politically, as a group. The age of Obama calls not for the celebration of a post-racial politics, but rather for a collective struggle to build a pan-racial politics: that is, a politics of mutual recognition, inclusion, and moral partiality between all racial and ethnic groups.
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