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| 1 |
ID:
131987
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
During secessionist mobilization in a multiethnic environment, the use of a discourse that excludes minorities can create internal enemies; meanwhile, co-opting minorities through inclusive framing can turn them into allies. From the standpoint of what sort of identity constitutes the basis of a nationalist movement, my fundamental argument is that the most crucial factor is whether there is a widespread perception of internal threat associated with the presence of a local minority. The chance of such perceptions of a threat emerging among the majority increases if the minority is politically linked to the center or a neighbor that is hostile to the movement. Yet, this explanatory model can show only a tendency depending on the structural setting; it cannot explain the timing and nature of identity shifts. I demonstrate that it is possible to include previously excluded minorities into the national collective through a reframing of national identity, and that the explanation of ethnic exclusion cannot be reduced to a simple ethnic security dilemma.
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| 2 |
ID:
150815
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| Summary/Abstract |
In a bold departure from the old practice, Prime Minister Modi
made a reference to Balochistan, Gilgit and Baltistan in his
Independence Day speech; nonetheless the move was criticised
by the Pakistan government as well as by leaders of Indian
opposition parties. But the nationalist leaders of Balochistan
welcomed the move. The Khan of Kalat declared independence
and never wanted to be a part of Pakistan. Jinnah forcibly
merged Balochistan. The mineral-rich Balochistan is the biggest
province of the country, but it is the poorest region in south
Asia. The federal government, with an ulterior motive, is hindering
the progress of the province. The Pakistan government, instead
of redressing the legitimate problems of the province, alleges
that the insurgency in the state is fuelled by foreign powers.
Baloch leaders oppose the construction of the China-Pakistan
Economic Corridor (CPEC) as they fear that under the garb of
the CPEC, the Pakistan government would settle outsiders in
the state, which would change the demography of the province.
The Baloch leaders also mention that the CPEC is not in the
interest of the state. Pakistani forces have adopted the policy of
‘kill and dump’ to terrorise the Balochis.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi, in a momentous departure
from the old policy of defending India against Pakistani onslaught
about the human right violations in Kashmir, made a direct
reference to the Balochistan freedom movement, Gilgit and
Baltistan as well as Pakistan-occupied Kashmir from ramparts
of the Red Fort in his Independence Day speech of 15 August
2016.1
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| 3 |
ID:
104825
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Oxford University Press, 2010.
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| Description |
lxvii, 899p.
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| Contents |
Part 1
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| Standard Number |
9780198065371, hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:1,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 056076 | 954.0359/GUP 056076 | Main | On Shelf | Reference books | |
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| 4 |
ID:
104947
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Oxford University Press, 2010.
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| Description |
lxxii, 1457p.
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| Contents |
Part 2
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| Standard Number |
9780198070030, hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 056122 | 954.0359/PAN 056122 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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