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| 1 |
ID:
112492
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
With Nicaragua's Sandinista People's Revolution (1979-90) as an ideological reference point, this paper adopts an historical approach to a theorisation of the contemporary (re)construction of popular power in Latin America and the Caribbean through the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America-Peoples' Trade Agreement (alba-tcp). At the core of the analysis is the Venezuelan government's concept of 'protagonistic revolutionary democracy' which, by drawing on Marxist direct democracy and CB Macpherson's participatory democracy, can be understood as the definitional foundation of the envisioned '21st century socialism'. Mechanisms for the exercise of direct democracy and of participatory democracy promotion are identified at the national and regional scales, through which the alba-tcp emerges as a counter-hegemonic governance regime composed of two dialectically interrelated forces: the 'state-in-revolution' and the 'organised society'. They drive the regionalisation of 'revolutionary democracy', thus (re)constructing popular power in the production of the alba-tcp space.
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| 2 |
ID:
155198
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| Summary/Abstract |
Drawing on longitudinal ethnographic research that has been ongoing since 1996, this article explores the way that gangs socialize individuals into violent norms and practices in Nicaragua. It shows how different types of gang violence can be related to distinct socialization processes and mechanisms, tracing how these dynamically articulate individual agency, group dynamics and contextual circumstances, albeit in ways that change over time. As such, the article highlights how gang socialization is not only a variable multilayered process, but also a very volatile one, which suggests that the socialization of violence and its consequences are not necessarily enduring.
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| 3 |
ID:
101785
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| 4 |
ID:
127616
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Armed conflict liquidated Central America's dictatorships by the end of the twentieth century. Only Costa Rica was democratic when a wave of civil wars broke out in the 1970s; by the mid-1990s, every country on the isthmus had replaced dictators or military juntas with elected presidents and legislators. Every nation in the region now allows adults at least 18 years old (or 16, in Nicaragua) to cast ballots in regularly scheduled elections
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| 5 |
ID:
138459
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| Summary/Abstract |
Food sovereignty policy initiatives face significant challenges in their quest to be approved. This article examines the case of Nicaragua’s Law 693, the Law of Food and Nutritional Sovereignty and Security, which was passed in 2009. Drawing on empirical research, the article details the initial stages of the policy-making process – from the origins and development of the proposal for a food sovereignty law to its introduction and initial deliberation by the National Assembly to the breakdown in the approval process because of conflict over the law’s content. Using theoretical insights from the food sovereignty and food security policy literature, Law 693 is examined, noting key limitations food sovereignty faced during the policy-making process. The study finds that the strength and force of national food sovereignty discourses, the ability of food sovereignty advocates to convince others of the legitimacy and viability of the food sovereignty approach, and the willingness of the state to create the necessary conditions to foster food sovereignty are all important factors when evaluating the potential for food sovereignty to be successfully adopted into public policies.
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| 6 |
ID:
110111
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The past decade has been marked by the resurgence of leftist political movements across Latin America. The rise of the 'new left' masks the ambivalent relationships these movements have with broader society, and their struggle to find an alternative to the prevailing development model. Filling the void left by failed public banks, the microfinance sector has grown significantly across the continent in an increasingly commercial form. Analysis of Nicaragua, Ecuador and Bolivia reveals that their new governments share a common distrust of microfinance. Yet, in the absence of viable alternatives for financial service provision, governments and microfinance stakeholders are forced to coexist. The environment in which they do so varies greatly, depending on local political and institutional factors. Some common trends can nevertheless be discerned. Paradoxically, the sector seems to be polarised into two competing approaches which reinforce the most commercially oriented institutions on the one hand, and the most subsidised on the other, gradually eliminating the economically viable microfinance institutions which have tried to strike a balance between social objectives and the market.
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| 7 |
ID:
100564
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Latin Americans must look in the mirror and confront the reality that many of our problems lie not in our stars but in ourselves. Only then will the region finally attain the development it has so long sought.
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| 8 |
ID:
015950
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| Publication |
1992.
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| Description |
133-147
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| 9 |
ID:
022130
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| Publication |
Autumn 2001.
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| Description |
53-76
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| 10 |
ID:
157722
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| Summary/Abstract |
The income generated by the drug economy can often be substantial for the different parties involved, even at the lowest rung of this illicit trade. Yet the drugs trade is also a notoriously volatile activity, meaning that drug-related prosperity is highly prone to boom-and-bust cycles. Drawing on ongoing longitudinal ethnographic research in urban Nicaragua, this article explores the consequences of the cyclical nature of the drugs trade, tracing its unequal patterns of capital accumulation, as well as what happened to those who benefited from the drug economy when it became more exclusive and then subsequently moved on elsewhere.
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| 11 |
ID:
109517
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| 12 |
ID:
185744
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| Summary/Abstract |
The UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities represents an important innovation in international law. For the first time, states are legally obligated to seek the advice of civil society organizations representing rights-holders in the development of legislation and policies and the monitoring of their implementation. In Nicaragua, however, the civic history of the Sandinista Revolution and civil war has left the local disability movement divided. Disabled war veterans want laws guaranteeing special treatment; self-help groups would rather focus on providing their own services than advocating for new laws. This demonstrates that the success of the CRPD’s civil society provisions is as dependent on the local identities and experiences of disabled people as it is on states’ adherence to international law.
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| 13 |
ID:
140716
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| Summary/Abstract |
Facilitadores Judiciales is a programme run by the Organization of the American States and the Nicaraguan judiciary. In 2010, facilitators were recruited and trained in many but not all urban municipalities. This presented an opportunity for a natural experiment to assess the impact of the programme. In our theoretical framework the impact is related to improved access to justice which is one of the prerequisites for peace and development. Before and after quantitative and qualitative studies were conducted in intervention and control areas. The quantitative results show confirmation of some of the hypothesized effects of the programme. Other effects are indicated by the numerous in-depth interviews but are not substantiated by hard data. In the communities where facilitators were introduced the people report fewer legal problems. The facilitators are decreasing the costs of justice. Achieving amicable solutions and promotion of peace and social cohesion is another example of the programme's impact.
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| 14 |
ID:
128656
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Although this articles is of a somewhat technical legal nature, is should be of interest to all members, dealing as it does with issues which are very much of the type that occur globally and will impact increasingly on maritime security and potentially on conflict
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| 15 |
ID:
156293
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| Summary/Abstract |
After the Chinese Communist Party’s 18th Party Congress was held in the fall of 2012, frequently asked questions were: Is Xi Jinping able to rein in the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) and what is the state of Chinese party-military relations? What are the implications of this status for the PLA in China’s Taiwan policy-making? What is the potential impact of Taiwan’s leadership transition on China’s Taiwan policy and on the PLA’s role?
This author argues that through a stick and carrot approach, Xi has become the leader of China, and has been able to rein in the PLA. His proactive and assertive approach in the context of China’s growing capabilities has empowered him to control the discourse of Taiwan policy. In these circumstances, the PLA will continue to be one joint actor within the relevant apparatus executing Taiwan policy without its own agenda. Uncertainty as a result of the ruling party rotation in Taiwan is unlikely to change the PLA’s role.
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| 16 |
ID:
155545
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| Summary/Abstract |
Lucia was 15 when she became pregnant. The news was a shock to her family: Lucia didn’t have a boyfriend and spent her time doing homework and singing in the church choir. But amid tears, the girl revealed to her mother that the local priest had been raping her for the past two years. Journalist Ian Bateson reports on how Nicaragua’s total ban on abortions, backed by President Daniel Ortega, has left girls like Lucia without options, and how a handful of women’s rights groups are fighting back.
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| 17 |
ID:
105729
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Solar home systems (SHSs) are a promising electrification option for many households in the developing world. In most countries SHSs are at an early stage of dissemination, and thus face a hurdle common to many emerging alternative energy technologies: many people do not know enough about them to decide whether to adopt one or not. This study uses survey data collected in Nicaragua to investigate characteristics that predict the knowledge and adoption of SHSs among the rural population. First, a series of probit models is used to model the determinants of four measures of SHS knowledge. Next, a biprobit model with sample selection is employed to investigate the factors that predict SHS adoption, conditional on having sufficient knowledge to make an adoption decision. Comparison of the biprobit formulation to a standard probit model of adoption affirms its value. This study identifies multiple determinants of SHS knowledge and adoption, offers several practical recommendations to project planners, and provides an analytical framework for future work in this policy-relevant area.
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| 18 |
ID:
128543
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article argues that U.S. occupations in the Dominican Republic, Nicaragua, and Haiti in the first third of the twentieth century lasted as long as they did for political reasons. U.S. military commanders disagreed with civilians in the State Department partly because of a lack of both policy guidance and interdepartmental coordination. In addition, State grew more sensitive than Navy to negative public opinion both foreign and domestic and to national political strategy. Marines, meanwhile, were more driven to reform the societies they occupied but also less sensitive to their own abuses, to changing norms, and to geopolitical reasons for ending occupations.
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| 19 |
ID:
095857
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| 20 |
ID:
133591
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
A group of elderly women set up prayer camps in public roundabouts throughout Nicaragua's capital, Managua, to pray for 'peace and reconciliation.' A few miles away, in a humble barrio, escaping sexual discrimination and violence, a 24-year-old transvestite performs a sexually charged act in a circus. Meanwhile, across from the national parliament, hundreds of ex-agricultural workers exposed to the pesticide nemagon exhibit their dying flesh to the nation and the world in order to expose corporate greed and government inaction. These cases, happening under the new Sandinista regime, reflect a plurality of social spaces where theatricality, as the rhetorical manipulation of spaces and bodies aiming to affect publics, has become a mechanism for revealing the interstices of power relations in present day Nicaragua. This work explores various instances of linked and entwined government-sponsored and -sanctioned social performances of power and visibility, as well as other social performances that draw attention to the gap between the rhetoric of the government and social reality.
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