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| 1 |
ID:
116127
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article examines the progressive de-bounding of social risks and the blurring boundaries between internal and external notions of security. Contemporary forms of cross-border connectivity bring to our attention the renewed importance of analysing distance (physical, social and other) in criminology. Globalising processes significantly expand the scale and scope of social interaction, including violent conflict and crime control and security strategies, by offering social agents a possibility of acting from the point of 'strategic globality'. The article outlines an emerging landscape of 'security at a distance', where previously local and national phenomena are transformed by new forms of transnational connectivity, risk and movement. It suggests that, through the emerging forms of globalism, criminal justice is plugging into trans-border circuits of circulation of people, forms of knowledge and social and political action, where, ultimately, crime control can become an export and war can be, metaphorically, seen as an import.
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| 2 |
ID:
111595
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The main purpose of this article is to shift the dollar vs Euro debate away from US-EU centrism to perspectives from emerging markets. Drawing on 40 semistructured financial elite interviews in Brazil and China, the key research question studied here is whether the US dollar is malfunctioning as the leading international currency in these parts of the world, and, if so, whether the Euro can be an alternative to the greenback. The results show that the status of the dollar as the main anchor in the monetary system is seriously questioned among financial elites in China and Brazil. As yet, though, the Euro does not represent an alternative to the dollar because of its fiscal and political fragmentations. However, despite these institutional shortcomings, the European currency is seen as an ideational role model for super-sovereign monetary integration out of dollar unipolarity based on consensual negotiations not only on a regional, but also on a global scale.
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| 3 |
ID:
112492
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
With Nicaragua's Sandinista People's Revolution (1979-90) as an ideological reference point, this paper adopts an historical approach to a theorisation of the contemporary (re)construction of popular power in Latin America and the Caribbean through the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America-Peoples' Trade Agreement (alba-tcp). At the core of the analysis is the Venezuelan government's concept of 'protagonistic revolutionary democracy' which, by drawing on Marxist direct democracy and CB Macpherson's participatory democracy, can be understood as the definitional foundation of the envisioned '21st century socialism'. Mechanisms for the exercise of direct democracy and of participatory democracy promotion are identified at the national and regional scales, through which the alba-tcp emerges as a counter-hegemonic governance regime composed of two dialectically interrelated forces: the 'state-in-revolution' and the 'organised society'. They drive the regionalisation of 'revolutionary democracy', thus (re)constructing popular power in the production of the alba-tcp space.
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| 4 |
ID:
113019
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Social constructivist theories regard the nation as 'imagined' (Anderson), 'invented' (Hobsbawm and Ranger), and 'narrated' (Bhabha). National narratives use mass rituals, performances, and selective national history to reinvigorate collective identity. This article examines the 1910 centennial festivities in Chile as a collective and discursive quest for national identity in a changing society longing for stability. The article uses a discourse analysis approach to study a series of Chilean national history abstracts and coverage of the centennial festivities as presented in Zig-Zag, the most relevant political magazine at the time. The study finds that selective memory and mass ritual discourse are a constitutive part of national identity. Through the process of selective memory, the sources depict Chilean history as a series of linear, coherent, and meaningful events to foster collective identification with the nation. The images of mass ritual discourse of the centennial celebrations reinforce common national characteristics and confidence in the nation. Mass performances provide emotional self-affirmation and an endowment of meaning for individuals within their national group as they restage current national membership with reference to a common past. The study identifies themes of national representation along which the nation is narrated, and suggests that this typology can be generalised beyond the case of Chile. In doing so, this article underscores the need for further research on the concept of discursive national identity formation and its relevance in contemporary politics.
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| 5 |
ID:
114094
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
How do we account for the reinforcement of identity particularisms despite transnational integration? This paper addresses the question by comparing two ethnolinguistic groups, Silesians and Kashubs in Poland. It is argued that in order to obtain state protection and tools to develop and survive, ethnic entrepreneurs adjust to institutions and discourses. Census politics, state laws' elaboration, transnational institutions represent openings to which groups adjust by reframing identity claims. In doing so, they re-imagine and reinforce their communities. Following Rogers Brubaker, group-making is presented as an eventful process where ethnic elites invest identity categories with groupness by taking advantage of opportunity windows at hand. Further, tracing changing political opportunities, strategic adjustments and groups' boomerang effect bid, the paper embeds identity groups within the social movement literature.
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| 6 |
ID:
112436
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper identifies imaginings since the early 1990s to reposition Yunnan from a peripheral province in the PRC to the centre of various regional constructs which involve territories across the PRC's borders, primarily in what are now known as southeast and south Asia. These narratives, which change over time and between actors, are justified using Yunnan's past linkages with territories along the 'southern silk road' and through a naturalized presentation of its geographical location and characteristics, are based on the premise of good neighbourly relations, and are driven by imperatives of development. They find practical expression in provincial engagement with regional institutions, and in infrastructure and other programmes. However, the imaginings to reposition the province which these narratives spell out are at the same time constrained by the demands of territorial integrity and national security: a desire not to compromise Yunnan's national belonging. The paper concludes by commenting on implications for understanding 'China's borderlands' and their global interactions.
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| 7 |
ID:
117206
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
While the recent interest in affects and emotions in world politics is encouraging, the crucial relationships between affect, emotion, and discourse have remained largely under-examined. This article offers a framework for understanding the relations between affect and discourse by drawing upon the theories of Jacques Lacan. Lacan conceptualises affect as an experience which lies beyond the realm of discourse, yet nevertheless has an effect upon discourse. Emotion results when affects are articulated within discourse as recognisable signifiers. In addition, Lacanian theory conceptualises affect and discourse as overlapping yet not as coextensive, allowing analyses to theoretically distinguish between discourses which become sites of affective investment for audiences and those that do not. Thus, analysing the mutual infusion of affect and discourse can shed light on why some discourses are more politically efficacious than others. The empirical import of these ideas is offered in an analysis of American affective reactions to 11 September 2001.
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| 8 |
ID:
119861
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In April, at an international conference in Palm Beach, I struck up a conversation with a senior adviser to ousted Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi. It was barely six months after he was forced to resign in November 2011. "So what's he doing now?" I asked politely. "Oh, he's planning for his comeback," the gentleman shot back with a broad grin. "And there's no doubt he'll be back."
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| 9 |
ID:
110975
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In 1998, U.S. President Bill Clinton's administration shut down an operation to kill the al Qaeda leader in Afghanistan with cruise missiles, given collateral damage estimates of 300 casualties and only 50 percent confidence in the intelligence. As the 9/11 Commission noted, "After this episode Pentagon planners intensified efforts to find a more precise alternative." In 2000 and 2001, the U.S. Air Force struggled to reconfigure a Hellfire anti-tank missile to fit onto a Predator surveillance drone. Meeting one week before the 9/11 attacks, the National Security Council agreed that the armed Predator was not ready to be operationally deployed. The first known killing by armed drones occurred in November 2001, when a Predator targeted Mohammed Atef, a top al Qaeda military commander, in Afghanistan.
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| 10 |
ID:
130121
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| 11 |
ID:
117158
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| 12 |
ID:
117740
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper attempts to analyse the discussed issues and outcomes of the seventeenth SAARC Summit which took place in the Maldives from 10-11 November 2011 with a special reference to Bangladesh in the context of regional cooperation. Several significant and strategically important agreements were signed during this Summit with the intention to begin a new era of cooperation among the member countries. Therefore, the Summit declaration adopted several treaties like SAARC Agreement on Rapid Response to Natural Disasters, SAARC Seed Bank, SAARC Agreement on Multilateral Arrangement on Recognition of Conformity Assessment, and the SAARC Agreement on Implementation of Regional Standards. The agreements focused on enhancing and facilitating regional transit and connectivity, economic growth, ensuring energy security, combating terrorism and human trafficking and fight climate change. Though the Summit has come up with some promising mutual agreements, its success will depend on their proper and timely implementation. The lack of political will, problem of poor governance, weak economy and disparity, crisis of political leadership, ethnic, socio-cultural and religious divisions, challenges of non-state actors, transnational security challenges are considered to be the major hindrances to the success of regional integration. The South Asian region should develop its own short, medium, and long-term strategies for economic integration where each stage should be implemented effectively before moving on to the next in order to build a sound foundation for progress. The inclusion of China as 'dialogue partner' would help SAARC to make the tangible progress for regional cooperation in South Asia. The new focus on regional integrations is likely to create exciting opportunities for Bangladesh if it can exploit the synergies based on comparative advantages, investment in cross-border infrastructure projects, address challenges in governance, environmental and social developments.
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| 13 |
ID:
125066
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| Publication |
New Delhi, KW Publishers Pvt Ltd, 2012.
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| Description |
xxii, 128p.Hbk
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| Standard Number |
9789381904299
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 057482 | 954.04/SAD 057482 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 14 |
ID:
117185
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Anti-Chinese riots broke out in Rangoon on 26 June 1967. The riots, which resulted from Chinese students' defiance of the Burmese government's ban on wearing Mao badges in school, led to the deterioration of Sino-Burmese relations, symbolised by the cessation of 'Pauk Phaw' ties and the subsequent shift in China's foreign policy which included open intervention in Burma's civil war. The riots contributed to estranged relations between Beijing and Rangoon throughout the 1970s and 1980s despite the normalisation of bilateral ties in 1970. While the roots of the Rangoon riots lay in Burma's political economy and tensions within the local Chinese community in the context of Cold War international relations, Beijing bore primary responsibility, however, due to its export of the Cultural Revolution.
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| 15 |
ID:
110175
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| 16 |
ID:
123972
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Over the past decade the navy has changed dramatically. It has increased operations: decreased its number of ships; merged and created staffs and communities; responded to the 12 October 2000 bombing of the USS Cole-DDG-67 and 9/11; and deployed "Dirt Sailors" to fight inland battles in Iraq and Afghanistan. Meanwhile, the navy staff (OPNAV) has remained static, which one exception, the steady rise and fall of the Deputy Chief of Naval Operations Communication Networks Directorate or N6.
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| 17 |
ID:
111858
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The conference, which is traditionally organized and held by the RAS Institute for Far Eastern Studies, Scientific Council on the Problems of Comprehensive Study of Modern China and Russian-Chinese Friendship Society in Moscow was attended by about 200 scholars, lecturers, postgraduate students and students from the Russian Federation and eight foreign countries: the PRC (including Hong Kong and Macao), Belgium, Iceland, France, the United States, the Republic of Taiwan, Ukraine and Kazakhstan. They represented ten Russian and foreign research institutions, as well as 34 Russian and foreign universities and institutes. The conference drew much attention of the mass media, for example journalists from the newspaper Izvestia, Russian Information Agency Novosti and Chinese Xinhua News Agency. Diplomats from the PRC Embassy to Russia were also present at the conference. Officials of a number of ministries, departments and the Department of External Church Relations of the Russian Orthodox Church also displayed interest in the event.
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| 18 |
ID:
127445
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| 19 |
ID:
111621
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| 20 |
ID:
110271
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The People's Republic of China has been afflicted by natural calamities right from its inception in 1949, including severe river flooding, excess snowfall, cyclones, tsunamis and earthquakes. The consequential human suffering is further aggravated by the heavy population density. The mammoth 2008 earthquake in Sichuan province and the resultant loss of life and property exposed the ill-preparedness of the Chinese government machinery like never before. Nevertheless, the Chinese State Council rose admirably to the occasion. The Peoples' Liberation Army (PLA) composed of military, armed police, militia and reserve troops was the single largest contributor to the emergency rescue, response and subsequent mitigation efforts. In the process, it encountered many obstacles, faced severe shortcomings, learnt valuable lessons and initiated measures to incorporate these lessons for better disaster preparedness in future. The PLA internalised disaster relief as one of its major tasks under the "military operations other than war" role. The situation in India-large population density and frequent occurrence of natural disasters-is similar to that of China. Thus, there are valuable lessons to be learnt from the Chinese experience of having suffered this earthquake and the methodology adopted, particularly by their armed forces, in disaster response, mitigation and capacity building for better management of mega disasters in future.
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