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| 1 |
ID:
177676
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper analyses the role of Islam in Malaysian foreign relations under the Premiership of Najib Razak. While most observers acknowledge the importance of Islam to Malaysian foreign policy making under Prime Ministers Mahathir Mohamad (1981 to 2003) and Abdullah Badawi (2004 to 2008), they tend to underplay its significance in Najib’s tenure as leader of Malaysia. Departing from this, we suggest that Islam was significant in Najib’s foreign policy in three ways. First, Najib utilized regional and international conflicts involving Muslims, particularly the Rohingyas and Palestinians, in order to construct Malaysia as a guardian of disenfranchised Muslims. Second, Najib relied on the notion of wasattiyah (the middle way) in order to buttress Malaysia’s image as a moderate Muslim country. Finally, Najib rationalized Malaysia’s alignment with Saudi Arabia in the Saudi-Iran geopolitical rivalry in religio-political terms. To make these arguments, we utilize a state identities approach to studying foreign policy. We unpack the notion of Muslim state identity into three manifestations: the activist Muslim state, the moderate Muslim state, and the Sunni Muslim state. The paper draws on both primary and secondary sources. We conclude with the conceptual implications of our argument.
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| 2 |
ID:
155396
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| Summary/Abstract |
China’s rise has led analysts to look for signs that Southeast Asian states like Malaysia are bandwagoning with Beijing. Following Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak’s 2016 visit to Beijing where significant economic and defense agreements were signed, some argued that Malaysia was tilting toward China. This article argues that Najib’s visit does not represent a major shift toward China. Malaysia has been deepening its political and security ties with other countries, particularly the United States, in an attempt to hedge its bets and maintain its traditional independent stance. China’s assertiveness in the South China Sea and willingness to intervene in Malaysia’s domestic politics are raising concerns about China among some elements of the Malaysian elite, thereby creating potential obstacles to a further strengthening of the Sino-Malaysian relationship.
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| 3 |
ID:
144532
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article attempts to engage in a preliminary twinned study of the foreign policy styles of Mahathir bin Mohamad and Lee Kuan Yew within the framework of ‘modernizing Southeast Asian foreign policies’. Modernization is a process of immense multidimensional displacement in economy, society, political system, attitudes towards politicians, identities, work, and consumption. As such the onus falls upon their leaders to either mitigate change or productively awaken their followers to embrace a new mode of thought. Both Lee and Mahathir have however chosen to engage in the foreign policy of intellectual iconoclasm featuring the narrative of ‘productive shock’, manufactured nationalist logics, elitist policy-making and elaborate self-propaganda.
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| 4 |
ID:
105218
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Malaysian foreign policy and diplomacy under Mahathir Mohamad were both grandiose and pragmatic, if not audacious. Faced with a changing and uncertain global environment, current Prime Minister Najib Razak has formulated external strategies expected to sustain Malaysia's economic progress to ensure regime legitimacy and political stability.
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