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| 1 |
ID:
165128
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Anglo-American military relationship is a vital yet neglected area of study. This article argues that the British military have actively cultivated a relationship with the U.S. military that has contributed to the longevity of the broader so-called “Special Relationship,” even in the Trump era. The article contends that the complexities of the military relationship can best be captured by the theoretical lens provided by Lowndes and Roberts that combines different strands of institutionalism to focus on rules, practices, and narratives. The intense linkages between the United States and United Kingdom have become routinized, enabling them to adapt their peacetime cooperation to conflicts, and thereby address post-Cold War security challenges. The article draws upon semi-structured interviews with senior British military officers as well as policy documents to explore how these patterns of collaboration have become ingrained in patterns of both thinking and behavior.
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| 2 |
ID:
159376
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Anglo-American and Israeli-American special relationships have proved to be unusually close and have confounded expectations that they would wither away with the changing international environment. In order to explain this, the article proposes a theory of ‘alliance persistence’ that is based on reciprocity over shared geostrategic interests, sentimental attachments and institutionalised security relations. The article employs this theoretical framework to explore how Anglo-American and Israeli-American relations have developed during the Obama administration. It argues that the Anglo-American relationship has been closer because of the two countries’ shared strategic interests, whilst the Israeli-American relationship has experienced divergences in how the security interests of the two sides have been pursued. The article concludes by assessing how the two relationships will fair in the post-Obama era and argues that there are numerous areas of tension in the US-Israeli relationship that risk future tensions.
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| 3 |
ID:
106244
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
A comparison of the German and Chinese cases clearly shows their differences and parallels. In Germany, despite confrontation between the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic, they were still able to work out a modus vivendi and interact with each other. This kind of "agree to disagree" compromisemust be based on goodwill on both sides and a favorable international environment. In spite of all the parallels with the German case, Beijing is still concerned about Taiwan separatism, the sustainability of the rule of the Kuomintang, and the possible reaction of the United States to cross-Strait rapprochement. Therefore, "constructive ambiguity" based on the 1992 Consensus has to serve as an interim structure before a peace accord can be signed.
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| 4 |
ID:
146042
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| Summary/Abstract |
In 1971, Senator Edward Kennedy co-sponsored a resolution in Congress calling for the withdrawal of British troops from Northern Ireland. The House of Representatives Sub-Committee on Europe held hearings on this resolution in February 1972 in the immediate aftermath of the deaths in Londonderry of “Bloody Sunday.” These hearings represented the first time that several high profile American political figures had spoken out on the developing conflict in Northern Ireland and, whilst the hearings did not lead to a significant change in American policy towards the conflict, the threat of further ones persisted from the Richard Nixon to the Ronald Reagan administrations. This analysis examines the impact of the 1972 Congressional hearings and the threat posed by the possibility of future ones in the wider context of United States policy towards the Northern Ireland conflict until 1981.
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| 5 |
ID:
120480
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In this article, I challenge the prevailing concept of the UK-US 'special relationship' with a view to improving the concept as an analytic tool for researchers. As it stands, the special relationship draws attention to an uncommonly close bond between two state actors in the post-Second World War period, especially in terms of military cooperation. This conception imposes analytic costs - namely, an elision of imperialism as a feature of Anglo-American relations and a concomitant marginalisation of subaltern social actors. In response, I propose a reconception that posits the subaltern - third parties - as integral to the relationship, thus better capturing the empirical reality of Anglo-American relations past and present. Theoretically, I draw upon postcolonial International Relations scholarship and recent theories of friendship in international politics. Empirically, I present a case study of the US military base on Diego Garcia in the Chagos Islands.
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| 6 |
ID:
172015
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| 7 |
ID:
147574
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| Summary/Abstract |
Canberra and Tokyo have forged an ever-closening security alignment, which they now designate as a ‘special strategic partnership’. This development has generated disquietude among some strategic analysts in Australia who have highlighted the risks entailed in pursuing deeper defense cooperation with Japan, especially if it is codified through a formal ‘alliance’ treaty. Anchored in a contending Realist logic, this article reexamines the assumptions upon which the critical assessment bases its conclusions and seeks to offer a counterpoint to such negative interpretations of the bilateral relationship. It then goes on to provide a more positive assessment of the strategic partnership, illustrating the many benefits and opportunities that deeper cooperation with Japan affords for Australia. In the process it draws attention to an alternate set of costs that could be incurred by resiling from Japan in order to ‘accommodate’ Chinese concerns. It concludes that the nature and purpose of the Australia–Japan strategic partnership requires a more nuanced understanding in order for its various costs and benefits to be subjected to a more balanced appraisal.
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| 8 |
ID:
145686
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| Summary/Abstract |
There is the perception in Japan that a reforming Myanmar is Japan’s “final frontier” in Asia. Indeed, Japan is enthusiastically seeking a larger political and economic role there and appears confident about competing with China for influence.
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| 9 |
ID:
121168
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| 10 |
ID:
105357
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article relates the Anglo-American invasion of Iraq to fundamental aspects of Anglo-American political economy, including the increasing integration of the British and US economies, and the largely Anglo-American-led project of global economic restructuring currently taking place. Part I discusses the political economy of UK-US relations and the evolution of an Anglo-American military-industrial conglomerate. Part II links the Anglo-American relations and interests detailed in the first part of the article to an on-going project of global reconstruction. With this as a context, Part III reviews the history of British and US foreign policies towards Iraq and the culmination of these policies in the invasion of the country. The conclusions draw implications for the overall nature and direction of current trends of change.
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| 11 |
ID:
155399
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the transformation of Thailand’s ties with the United States away from its “special relationship” in the Cold War, when Thailand viewed the United States as an indispensable power. The relationship in the post-Cold War period is marked by significant disagreements. Structural theories predict that China’s rise and the regional uncertainty it has created would lead Thailand to strengthen its alliance with the United States as part of a hedging strategy. In recent decades, however, the United States has failed to provide the assistance Thailand expected and its criticism of the Thai military coups of 2006 and 2014 are perceived as illegitimate interference in Thai affairs. As domestic politics plays an increasing role in Thai foreign policy, Thailand is distancing itself from the United States and moving closer to China.
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| 12 |
ID:
184987
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| Summary/Abstract |
The 2021 Integrated Review of Security, Defence, Development and Foreign Policy signified a major change in United Kingdom’s defence thinking because it identified China as the foremost threat to its long-term security interests. The resulting tilt to the Indo-Pacific region resurrected the prospect of a defence role that the UK had relinquished in the 1960s. Yet the UK can ill-afford to become a significant defence actor in the Indo-Pacific area. The optimal role for the UK is instead to encourage actors in the region to take the lead in countering China. The Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 has reinforced the logic that the UK should concentrate its strength on bolstering the deterrent power of NATO within the Euro-Atlantic area.
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| 13 |
ID:
190984
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This article examines American Israeli relations since the establishment of the state in 1948 to the present. It presents a combination of historical and theoretical analysis. It uses the concept of ‘special relationship’ to analyse major issues in the evolution of bilateral relations including US support for Israel’s independence, Arab-Israeli wars, Palestinian terrorism, mediation, peace agreements, foreign aid, public opinion, attitudes of American Jews and a look at the future. The article reveals strong strategic ties between the two allies but also cracks that threaten to damage the special relationship, including the loss of bipartisanship support, new strategic priorities in US foreign policy, political polarisation, distancing among American Jews, demographic changes, and effects of the 2023 judicial reform in Israel.
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