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| 1 |
ID:
158586
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| Summary/Abstract |
Aloy Ojilere examines the politics of homosexuality and same-sex marriage in the US and Europe vis-à-vis Africa and explores the sociojurisprudential reality of most African states including core religious and moral conservatism, which refer to homosexuality as “un-African”
and “unnatural”. He also underscores the failure of Western economic diplomacy to lure Africa into legalising homosexuality and same-sex marriage through economic and political pressure, threats and sanctions.
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| 2 |
ID:
182494
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| Summary/Abstract |
Tsai Ing-wen was elected as the first woman president of Taiwan in 2016 and re-elected in 2020. Did the prospect of “the first woman president” shape the expectations of the changes she may bring about regarding women and lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, and queer (LGBTQ) rights? Analyzing 35 in-depth elite interviews, this paper demonstrates Tsai’s campaign did not benefit much from “the first woman” slogan, her cabinet included fewer women than her predecessors’, and she could not proactively push for marriage equality after the elections. Tsai’s case illuminates the constraints women leaders face in promoting representation for marginalized groups.
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| 3 |
ID:
136713
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| Summary/Abstract |
Phillips, Joe
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| 4 |
ID:
159480
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| Summary/Abstract |
Against the legal recognition of same-sex marriage, many advocates of religious liberty argue that those who adhere to “traditional” understandings of marriage should not be forced to “recognize” same-sex marriages. This includes exempting individual business owners engaged in commercial activity from anti-discrimination laws. I argue that such exemptions overreach. Equal access to the commercial arena is an essential feature of life in America’s commercial republic, which means that public accommodations should not be given exemptions on religious grounds. Yet this does not require business owners to morally approve of same-sex marriage; nor does it require them to grant same-sex marriages “equal concern and respect.” Rather, it requires simple toleration, which is compatible with moral disapproval. Indeed, I argue that this is the very sort of toleration at the foundation of religious liberty in America. Efforts to grant religious exemptions to anti-discrimination laws invite the return of religious conflict and discrimination. Prohibiting discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation in public accommodations is necessary not only for equal citizenship, but to maintain the regime of toleration that undergirds religious liberty in a pluralistic democracy.
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| 5 |
ID:
105651
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Using the case of same-sex marriage in China, this article explores two fundamental questions: What motivates a non-democratic state to promulgate a progressive human rights policy? More importantly, when a non-democratic state adopts such policies, what is the impact on activism? I argue that same-sex marriage legislation could be used strategically to improve China's human rights reputation. While this would extend a pinnacle right to gays and lesbians, the benefits might not outweigh the costs: I show that when imposed from above, a same-sex marriage law would incur opportunity costs on activism; the passage of this progressive policy would eliminate an important issue around which the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Trans-gender/-sexual (LGBT) community might develop. Moreover, even if such policy is promulgated, the right to marry will do little to challenge the larger social pressures that make life difficult for LGBT Chinese.
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| 6 |
ID:
144435
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| Summary/Abstract |
Olufemi Abifarin and Jimmy O Chijioke analyse current Western policies about homosexuality and look at the aetiology of this behaviour now made acceptable on the grounds of human rights. However, they contend that the pressure on and intimidation of African states by the West to force them to legalise same-sex marriage, violates the principles of the sovereignty of states and non-interference in the internal affairs of nations.
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| 7 |
ID:
166877
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| Summary/Abstract |
In May 2017, Taiwan's Constitutional Court reached a landmark decision that marriage should be opened to same-sex couples within two years, making Taiwan potentially the first country in Asia to realize marriage equality. How can we explain the success of the LGBT movement here? I argue that explanations based on cultural proclivity, public opinion, and linkages to world society, are inadequate. This article adopts a “political process” explanation by looking at changes in the political context and how they facilitate the movement for marriage equality. I maintain that electoral system reform in 2008, the eruption of the Sunflower Movement in 2014, and the electoral victory of the Democratic Progressive Party in 2016, stimulated Taiwan's LGBT mobilization, allowing it to eventually overcome opposition from the church-based countermovement.
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| 8 |
ID:
191966
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| Summary/Abstract |
In 2019, Taiwan became the first in Asia to legalize same-sex marriage (SSM). This article considers the social movement strategies and relational dynamics of three activist groups in the year leading to the landmark SSM legislation, respectively representing the “yes,” “no,” and “alternative” agendas in the public debates and social mobilization around the issue of equal marriage rights. Through a critical study of the three cases, this article examines how various campaigners shaped local SSM discourses and mobilized people to support, oppose, and question marriage equality, focusing on their social mobilization strategies and inter-group relational dynamics under Taiwan's political and legal structures. In so doing, it proposes a hybrid theoretical model to understand complex social movement and countermovement relations and dynamics.
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