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| 1 |
ID:
099370
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Santa Clara, on Angola's southern border with Namibia, is now a very dynamic urban hub, both economically and socially. It stands out in the remote province of Cunene, recording greater growth in the last five years than the provincial capital, Ondjiva. Its recent transformation into a thriving trading centre was mostly due to massive migration and an intensification of trade between Angola and Namibia at the beginning of this century, although the region's history in the last hundred years is a very different one. While local traders and entrepreneurs have developed their own strategies within this context, national and local administrative structures of the recently pacified country are trying to regulate trading and settlement. These forces in action produce both more sustainable and organised urban growth and at the same time influence social and economic development in the region. The main boom seems to be over, due to relatively successful regulation, which makes the region less attractive to business activity. Traders and entrepreneurs operating locally now have to find new strategies and opportunities. This article, based on empirical research and combined surveys, conducts an analysis of these dynamics and contributes to an understanding of regulation impacts, the way in which local traders cope with them, and the strategies they have developed.
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| 2 |
ID:
095351
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The first Chinese migrants came to the Namibian border boom town Oshikango in 1999. Today, there are over 100 shops which sell Chinese goods to Angolan traders in that town of only around 10,000 inhabitants. This article describes their way of doing business and the economic interactions between migrants and the host society. By reacting to the host society's reaction to them, Chinese shopkeepers in Namibia are gradually developing into a migrant society with a distinct social structure. In an increasingly hostile political climate, Chinese entrepreneurs are faced with stronger regulation. This has not had the intended effect of pushing shopkeepers into manufacturing. Instead, it has sharpened social stratification among migrants, with traders better connected to Namibian authorities using their connections as an additional resource. In an optimistic view, the alliance between successful Chinese and Namibian actors could be the germ for a spill-over of Chinese entrepreneurial success; in a pessimistic view, it will create additional rents for some Namibians and give migrants the leverage to evade regulations.
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| 3 |
ID:
062842
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| 4 |
ID:
057776
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| 5 |
ID:
080089
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2007.
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Much of the literature on the decolonization of Namibia is set in a narrative mode and demonizes one or the other of the protagonists. This article, organized in a topical fashion, concerns the diplomatic, military, and economic facets of the Namibian war and draws upon the literature of comparable twentieth century colonial and anti-colonial wars in Algeria, Angola, Kenya, Mozambique, the Philippines, South Africa, Vietnam and Zimbabwe. It explores the changing discourse of legitimacy concerning independence for Namibia, the conduct of insurgency and counterinsurgency in the bush war, and economic aspects of that war.
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| 6 |
ID:
063378
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| 7 |
ID:
142477
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| Summary/Abstract |
In 2014, the South African government announced Operation Phakisa in order to stimulate the country's blue economy. Operation Phakisa's strong focus on maritime economic matters ignores two unresolved issues in respect of South Africa's maritime economy and maritime diplomacy, namely the country's extended continental shelf claim. If successful in its claim, South Africa's territory will increase significantly (thus a 10th province) and thus its security and economic opportunities and challenges. The latter includes the exploration and exploitation of extended shelf resources such as oil and gas, gas hydrates, seabed mining, and marine genetic resources. As very little legal precedent and state practice exists in respect of the actual delimitation of the extended continental shelf, South Africa's claims, which overlaps with that of its neighbours Mozambique and Namibia, could contributes to significant insecurity between these states. The paper concludes with some policy recommendations to address the overlapping claims, and promote an Indian Ocean–South Atlantic dialogue on oceans governance and maritime security cooperation.
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| 8 |
ID:
062868
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| 9 |
ID:
063136
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| 10 |
ID:
098089
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2010.
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The article analyses the impact of international justice on the debate about public memory and visions of reconciliation in Namibia. Focusing on a recent submission to the International Criminal Court, it shows how domestic actors used international justice to advance their claims for reconciliation and it thus challenges the common assumption that reconciliation is an entirely domestic process. The article discusses how the ICC submission individualized guilt for past human rights abuses and neglected structures of suspicion and denunciation within the guerrilla movement SWAPO. The submission also challenged once more the government's efforts to reduce the complex history of the country's anti-colonial war to a narrative of a unified struggle, and showed that the official policy of active forgetting was still questioned after almost two decades of imposed silence.
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| 11 |
ID:
063298
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| 12 |
ID:
114934
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2012.
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Greater international attention to human rights, particularly genocide, has offered activists opportunities to draw on transnational networks and norms. Many examples have been documented of the varying successes of domestic movement organisations employing international support. Much less attention has been paid to cases lacking significant organisations, but small groups and even individuals can draw attention to their demands if they effectively engage transnational interest. Genocide offers a particularly potent means of generating attention. Namibia is engaged in domestic debates over crimes committed by German forces over a century ago. In a country with no large opposition party and no significant social movement mobilisation, a number of relatively small groups of activists are indirectly challenging the power of the dominant party by correcting its one-sided narrative of the country's anti-colonial heroes. German efforts to respond to crimes committed in the past offer further opportunities for activists to draw attention to heroes and histories beyond those celebrated by the dominant party.
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| 13 |
ID:
185278
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| 14 |
ID:
179063
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| Publication |
DelhI, Kalinga Publications, 1991.
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| Description |
iii, 382p.: maphbk
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| Standard Number |
8185163180
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 060027 | 320.688/SAX 060027 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 15 |
ID:
063097
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| 16 |
ID:
175392
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article discusses aspects of Namibia’s foreign policy principles and how they impact on the values of democracy, and issue of peace and security in the region. The article will focus on the attainment of peace in Angola, democratisation of South Africa, and security situations in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Madagascar and Lesotho. The main question of this article is: To what extent has Namibia realised the objectives encapsulated in her foreign policy principles of striving for international peace and security and promote the values of democracy in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region? The assumption is that though relatively a newly established state, Namibia has made her contribution towards democracy, peace and security in the Southern Africa region and the world at large.
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| 17 |
ID:
190357
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German colonial rule, followed by South African occupation, left Namibia with lasting patterns of extreme inequality in land ownership. Reform plans issued in recent decades have yielded little relief for the landless majority, including urban dwellers. Despite the emergence of new social movements demanding change, political elites who have become large landowners show few signs of willingness to pursue transformative measures. A recent agreement with Germany to make amends for genocide has also failed to satisfy calls for land reparations.
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| 18 |
ID:
064159
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| 19 |
ID:
062793
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| 20 |
ID:
058649
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| Publication |
Jul-Sep 2004.
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