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| 1 |
ID:
105973
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
India and Nepal signed a foreign trade agreement (FTA) in 1971 which has been renewed many times over-latest in 2009. Tariff concessions lie at the core of Indo-Nepal trade arrangements and these concessions have been administered through the ROO criteria.
The Indo-Nepal trade treaty of 1996 was a landmark as India provided duty-free access to all (except three) products manufactured in Nepal. In the period between 1996 and 2002, there was a surge in Nepal's exports to India, mainly in vegetable ghee, copper products, acrylic yarn and zinc oxide, due to large tariff differentials between India and Nepal in the raw materials used in these items. The 2002 treaty imposed a tariff rate quota these four (the tariff rate quota (TRQ) products). Between 2001 and 2002 and 2008 and 2009, India reduced its tariffs on all products whereby Nepal lost its advantage in the TRQ products and the quota utilization has been very low.
Since the benefits of the offered by India under the trade treaties have been transitory, it is important for the two countries to devise a more comprehensive economic agreement sectors. In this direction, India can help Nepal in developing services, especially hydropower and tourism. For this, Nepal needs to develop a more effective regulatory structure and policy framework and India must invest more in the development of Nepal's infrastructure.
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| 2 |
ID:
105975
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
During much of the Cold War, India chose to pursue a non-aligned foreign policy posture. The collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War forced India to redefine its foreign policy and search for a new place in the emerging international order. However, almost 20 years on, India's foreign policy still appears to lack a coherent strategic doctrine. This article identifies some of the domestic factors that hampered the development of a post-Cold War 'grand strategy'. It argues that the emergence of coalition governments at the national level since the early 1990s, the country's federal structure, weaknesses in India's foreign policy institutions and the lack of a strategic culture within the country together constrain India's search for a post-Cold War foreign policy.
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| 3 |
ID:
105972
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Are there serious political-security conflicts between Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and India that could affect deepening relations? The strengthening of ASEAN and India's cooperation has already bore fruit with the implementation of the ASEAN-India free trade area. However, political security relations have not been fully examined especially if there are possibilities of potential conflicting policy directions. This article aims to contribute to further understanding of ASEAN and India's political and security relations through ASEAN's non-traditional security priorities in assessing potential threats to the region. There are indeed policy areas where ASEAN and India do not see eye to eye such as on issues of nuclear proliferation and human rights. However, because of the mutuality of interest between them, potential conflicts can be resolved.
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| 4 |
ID:
105971
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2011.
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The article engages with the theoretical debate on norms to explicate the prescriptive power of the 'norm' of sustainable development. It analyses the socio-economic and political context that have been instrumental in framing of the 'norm' of sustainable development, in particular the approach and interventions of developing countries including India. It argues that an ostensible dichotomy between development and environment has fractured the internal cohesion of the norm. The surrounding web of normative structure that marginalises principles of justice and equity is other formidable explanation for its fragile compliance.
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| 5 |
ID:
105974
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2011.
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Turkey has often been projected as a model by the US-based think tanks and Western media for enlargement of market democracies in its surrounding regions to contain the surge of radical Islam. The appropriateness of the Turkish democracy as a model is, however, contested by many from within the region and without. While the Arabs ridicule Turkey's democracy as a farce and a 'democracy of tanks', Western critics harp on its illiberal character as reflected in the titular powers and reserved domains of military, high level of human rights abuse and denial of cultural liberties to the minority Kurds. It is in the past decade, particularly since the European Union's (EU) decision in December 1999 to accept Turkey's candidacy for membership that the country has experienced radical political reforms signifying a qualitative transformation of its polity to a liberal democracy. The purpose of this article is not to assess Turkey's progression to liberal democracy or to analyse the domestic debate spurred by the reform process between the progressive Islamists and the secular establishment. Instead, it aims at examining the function of Turkey's EU accession process in facilitating the second historic transition of Turkish polity (the first being the change-over from mono-party to multi-party system in 1946).
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