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ID:
148412
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| 2 |
ID:
136741
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| Publication |
New Delhi, National Maritime Foundation, 2015.
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| Description |
v, 79p.Pbk
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| Standard Number |
9788193015926
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Copies: C:2/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058118 | 327.1632/SAK 058118 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
| 058152 | 327.1632/SAK 058152 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 3 |
ID:
111883
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Asia, where nuclear powers already interact (including North Korea), exerts a growing influence on the thinking and policy underlying Russia's current and future nuclear (and overall defense) posture. China's rise is forcing Russia into a greater reliance on strategic offensive weapons and tactical nuclear weapons. These in turn will reinforce its opposition to US missile defenses, not only in Europe but also in Asia. Russia must now entertain the possibility of nuclear use in regional conflicts that would otherwise remain purely conventional. It cannot be postulated blindly that nuclear weapons serve no discernible purpose other than to deter nuclear attacks by other nuclear powers. The strategic equation in Asia and in the Russian Far East convincingly demonstrates the falsity of this approach. Nuclear weapons will be the essential component of Russia's regional defense policy if not of its overall policies - and this also includes contingencies in Europe.
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| 4 |
ID:
126375
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| 5 |
ID:
144560
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| Summary/Abstract |
How has the role of observers in the Arctic Council evolved and why is there increased interest in participation by states and international institutions? This article examines the influence and interest of observers in international institutions. The Arctic Council is an international institution founded in 1996 to promote Arctic environmental protection and sustainable development. Ultimately, observers are weak actors in the Council. Despite this weakness, actors seek to become observers for two reasons. First, actors seek to contribute to the governance of environmental issues of global importance. Second, actors strive to gain as states develop the economic potential of the Arctic region.
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| 6 |
ID:
121434
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The geopolitics of the Arctic region is viewed as a race for resources between coastal states. Yet, alarmist assessments are tempered by the reality that the most economically viable hydrocarbon reserves are entirely contained within the uncontested EEZs of the littoral states. Given this situation, confrontational rhetoric coming from Ottawa and Moscow seems not only troubling but peculiar. This article attempts to explain this peculiarity. It argues that leaders in both states seem willing to emphasise the ideational salience of disputed space to domestic audiences while downplaying their cooperative track record. The article finds mixed evidence of the instrumental use of national identity politics in Arctic issues, which often conflate distinct elements of Arctic geopolitics. While this dynamic has not yet prevented cooperation over disputed boundaries, perpetuation of these narratives may erode domestic support for dispute settlement.
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| 7 |
ID:
116037
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| 8 |
ID:
132003
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The five states that surround the Arctic Ocean- Russia, Canada, the United States, Denmark, and Norway-have in recent years taken various measures to protect their economic and security interests in the north. The measures include not only the adoption of Arctic strategies, but also the development of new military capabilities. As in other parts of the world, one state's military efforts to enhance its security may have the unfortunate effect of making others feel less secure, and therefore more likely to undertake similar efforts. Thus, despite being a low-tension region, the Arctic is by no means immune to the logic of the security dilemma.
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| 9 |
ID:
125306
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| Publication |
2013.
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To most people the Arctic is a distant realm, almost another world, inhabited by polar bears. They may even think the frigid landmasses and icy seas of the Arctic are irrelevant to daily life further south. However, the Arctic is changing rapidly. The melting of the sea ice has thrust the region into the global spotlight as world leaders seek to assess both the environmental threats and economic opportunities of a smaller northern ice cap. Norwegians have long balanced a fierce commitment to environmental protection with our substantial Arctic economic interests, and we are eager to help devise responses to the worrying changes we have all observed. The Arctic encompasses more than 15 million square miles or about 8 percent of the surface of the Earth, equivalent to four times the extent of U.S. territory. But the human residents of this vast area number only about 4 million, and are spread across eight countries - Norway, Russia, the United States, Canada, Finland, Sweden, Iceland and Denmark.
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| 10 |
ID:
161188
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| 11 |
ID:
106764
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| 12 |
ID:
133954
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Regulation of international merchant shipping is predominantly carried out by global bodies, of which the International Maritime Organization (IMO) is the most prominent. The UN Convention on the Law of the Sea nevertheless explicitly or implicitly allows (limited) unilateral prescription by flag, coastal, and port states as well as the exercise of these rights collectively at the regional level. Some IMO instruments acknowledge the right to impose more stringent standards and others even encourage regional action. Moreover, while the mandate and practice of the IMO have expanded significantly since its establishment in 1958, further expansion is subject to constraints. This article explores various options for regional regulation of merchant shipping outside of the IMO. Special attention is given to such options in the Arctic region in the context of the efforts within the IMO regarding the adoption of the Mandatory Code for Ships Operating in Polar Waters.
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| 13 |
ID:
139600
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| Summary/Abstract |
The paper examines emerging prospects for Russia–India cooperation. While the two countries can collaborate in various areas of mutual interest, the paper identifies possible challenges and effects on the cooperation in the Arctic region. The sanctions imposed by the West could impede Russian energy projects in the Arctic. This could force the state to find a way to replace Western technologies through enhancing capacities of national industry and developing cooperation with other states, including Asian countries. This shift is also bolstered by the political interest to strengthen the position of Russia in the Asian region as a whole, and to increase the country's energy security. The paper provides an overview of the Russian and Indian interest and policy in the Arctic, and presents the perspectives and challenges for both countries.
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| 14 |
ID:
122073
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