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| 1 |
ID:
120517
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| 2 |
ID:
178440
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Middle East is becoming a hotspot for thousands of Chinese businesses with hundreds of thousands of Chinese nationals working and living throughout the region, as well as several million Chinese tourists. Traditionally, China's policies towards the Middle East were based on the principle of non-interference. In face of the increasing number and frequency of acts of violence against Chinese nationals and assets in the region, this study examines whether China's strategy to maintain its non-interference policy can meet the challenge of protecting the safety and rights of Chinese tourists in the Middle East. The main argument is that China's approach to maintaining its non-interference policy is part of a carefully devised strategy that suits the country's doctrine. China's leadership favours a global proactive diplomatic approach which includes five diplomatic and military measures identified in this article: non-combatant evacuation operations and peacekeeping operations; construction of infrastructure and logistical capacities; legal framework and security cooperation; mediation and conflict management; and consular protection. This proactive diplomatic approach is also suitable to meet the challenge of the safety and rights of Chinese tourists in the region.
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| 3 |
ID:
133955
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The 'assertive China discourse' has become a widespread narrative in the United States and certain other countries, and there is a parallel narrative in China. It argues that China has abandoned the taoguangyanghui (Keeping a low profile) strategy and adopted that of fengfayouwei (Striving for achievements), especially since 2009. This article, taking background knowledge as the most important factor of an agent's thinking and doing, argues that the Zhongyong dialectic constitutes a core component of background knowledge on the Chinese. It holds that a strident turn from one strategy to the other is inadvisable, and indeed continuity through change is a realistic description of China's present international strategy. It implies the existence of both continuity and change, although the former is its main theme with regards to strategic goals, designs, and policies as a whole. Changes, however, do occur, mainly through issues perceived as relevant to core national interests. The textual analysis in this article provides support for this argument, but offers little to substantiate the 'assertive China discourse'. Also worthy of note is that it is easy to use such changes to infer a revolutionary turn in China's international strategy, as the 'assertive China discourse' has done, as it fits perfectly into the embedded Hegelian dichotomous structure under the background of a realist tragedy of major power politics. Such an interpretation, however, is both biased and dangerous, because it attempts to turn a constructed narrative into a conventional wisdom. This could potentially culminate in a self-fulfilling prophet of the zero-sum struggle in a Hobbesian jungle, particularly between China and the United States.
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| 4 |
ID:
122158
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| 5 |
ID:
133572
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
India has been using benign means to develop its relations with Africa based on consultations and cooperation, mediated by an increasingly active diplomacy. Mohammed Badrul Alam and Amit Kumar Gupta aver that in contrast to China's strategy, India has focussed on capacity building rather than infrastructure development.
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| 6 |
ID:
156368
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since the 2008 financial crisis, international political and economic disorder has become obvious. Major reasons are the decline of US-led Western developed economies global influence; US and otherWestern countries inaction or ineffective actions; power diffusion allowing non-state actors to intervene; a global governance short of needed rules; and mainstream economic theory's overemphasis on market roles. International disorder is a long term process posing a potential threat to China's national interests.
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| 7 |
ID:
128631
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
As the fulcrum of economic growth tilts towards the dynamic eastern economies in the 21st century, the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) has assumed strategic importance. China is making inroads in to the IOR island states with tis weiqi strategy to safeguard and further its interest with its realpolitik of the string of pearls. The author is Vise President of the Indian Maritime foundation and a former DNI and DNO at NHQ as well as author of A Nation and its Navy at War
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| 8 |
ID:
168131
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| 9 |
ID:
118606
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Over the past couple of years researchers of different countries and schools have developed a unanimous view that the world's "center of power" is moving from the Transatlantic region towards the Pacific. Even inveterate skeptics now have to admit that the economic pole of power has shifted almost entirely to the Asia-Pacific, although they still harbor the illusion that the West in general and Europe in particular will remain cultural centers (including for Russia) and will retain at least part of their political capital. Yet world history shows that a shift of the economic center to another region inevitably entails a similar shift of the cultural and political components of power.
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| 10 |
ID:
130119
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| 11 |
ID:
106870
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