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| 1 |
ID:
128133
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
On June 18 as Afghan president Hamid Karzai and the high peace council prepared to start talks independently with the Taliban in Doha, Emirate of Qatar, the United States after playing hide and seek and holding undisclosed intermittent talks in Doha for more than a year announced that it will be opening direct talks with Taliban leaders within days. At the time of writing, these talks have not begun, but a US delegation has arrived in Doha and they expect to begin talking soon
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| 2 |
ID:
132326
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Aid for Trade (AfT) has gained prominence as an innovative form of donor support in the 'post'-Washington Consensus. AfT mechanisms have been praised as a means of aligning trade liberalisation deals (whether in the Doha Round or within bilaterals) to poverty reduction objectives. This article, through critical analysis of AfT discourse within the 'moral economies' of multilateral World Trade Organization and bilateral European Union-African, Caribbean and Pacific negotiations, points to the strategic purposes of donor language in rationalising asymmetric North-South trade systems. Moreover, it questions the 'development' credentials of AfT assistance by examining some of the ensuing private sector activities and the impact on the supposed beneficiaries, and the tying of AfT disbursements to the implementation of inappropriate policies.
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| 3 |
ID:
162430
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Negotiations between neighbours over river disputes are not only about water, they come embedded with other bilateral concerns. Thus, the solution of a river dispute depends on comparative bargaining capabilities of riparians on their many other contentious matters. This assumption has been applied in investigating and analysing the Ganges River negotiation between India and Bangladesh. The literature on the Ganges has focussed on integrated river development perspectives. The present analysis underlines the convergence of water with other bilateral concerns. The examination of a quarter-century negotiation on the Ganges confirms the correlation between positive outcomes and better linkages between multiple issues.
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| 4 |
ID:
128060
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Negotiations over Iran's controversial nuclear program were "substantive and forward looking," according to a joint statement released by officials representing Tehran and six world powers after talks Oct. 15-16 in Geneva. Wendy Sherman, U.S. undersecretary of state for political affairs and the leader of the U.S. delegation, said in an Oct. 16 interview with CNN that the parties held a "detailed, substantive discussion with a candor" she had not heard during the past two years of negotiations with Iran. The new negotiating team appointed by recently elected Iranian President Hassan Rouhani met for the first time with representatives from China, France, Germany, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States, known collectively as the P5+1, to resume talks on reaching an agreement on Iran's controversial nuclear program. The parties had agreed to resume negotiations after they met in New York on Sept. 26 and Rouhani spoke on the phone with U.S. President Barack Obama on Sept. 27.
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| 5 |
ID:
125112
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Using a simulated bilateral negotiation over several security issues, the authors explore how variations in the negotiation context influence reactions to a negotiating crisis. Negotiators were primed to focus on one of three aspects of the context: transaction costs, dependence, or shared identity. They were asked to respond to the crisis with a decision to reach an immediate agreement, continue negotiating, or reframe the issues. The results showed that mutual dependence (unattractive alternatives) led to reframing (turning points) whereas high transaction costs led to a preference for continuing the negotiation. Shared identity did not affect negotiators preference across alternative courses of action. Affective trust amplified the impact of dependence and transaction costs: the decision to reframe was made more often by negotiators who reported low affective trust, whereas the decision to reach immediate agreement was made more often by negotiators who reported high affective trust. High cognitive trust encouraged negotiators to continue the negotiation if they had a shared identity or if transaction costs were high. Applications were made to real-world cases and implications were developed for Relational Order theory and for further research.
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| 6 |
ID:
128066
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
North Korea indicated last month that it may be willing to suspend nuclear and ballistic missile tests if abandoned talks with a group of five countries over Pyongyang's nuclear activities resume. In an official commentary released by the Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) on Oct. 9, Pyongyang suggested that it would make this commitment after the talks restart, "not as a precondition" to resume negotiations. Satellite launches would also be exempt, KCNA reported. The so-called six-party talks, which include China, Japan, Russia, South Korea, and the United States, began in 2003 and continued intermittently until 2008, when North Korea said it would no longer participate. A South Korean official said in an Oct. 28 interview that North Korea made a similar offer at an informal meeting with former U.S. officials in Berlin in September, according to his briefing on the meeting. The South Korean government was not represented at the meeting, nor were any current U.S. officials present, he said. North Korean Vice Foreign Minister Ri Yong Ho represented Pyongyang. The official, however, expressed doubt about the sincerity of North Korea's offer, saying that North Korea "often reneges" on verbal and written agreements
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| 7 |
ID:
106939
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| 8 |
ID:
128263
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Japan should avoid actions China considers provocative. Japanese top leaders should not visit Yasukuni Shrine and should reaffirm Japan's apologies for tragedies caused by their invasions.
China should not use armed pressure in an effort to determine the sovereignty of territories claimed by Japan and should reaffirm its determination to prevent demonstrations against Japanese.
Chinese and Japanese representatives should seek a formula so both sides could with honor back down from confrontations over territorial disputes such as the Senkaku/Diaoyudao Islands, and affirm their determination to resolve these issues peacefully at a later time.
Both sides should select a small number of high level leaders likely to play an important role in their government for many years ahead. These leaders, representing their respective countries, should meet frequently for comprehensive discussions on a broad range of issues to strengthen mutual understanding and cooperation. Japan should select leaders representing major political parties so that whichever political party is in power policies could continue without interruption.
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