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| 1 |
ID:
116921
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The market-oriented reform in electricity industry has become a global trend since 1980s. Although China's electricity industry has been reformed since 1978, the substantial reform has not been conducted until 1985. Before 1985, China's power industry had been absolutely monopolized by the central state-owned companies. The absolute monopoly has been broken since 1985, when the Chinese government opened doors for non-central state-owned investment entities and foreign investors in power supplies in order to solve the chronic power shortage. In 2002, the comprehensive electricity reform plan entitled Scheme of the Reform for Power Industry was enacted. However, implementation of this plan was delayed due to electricity supply shortages. Even worse, a new kind of monopoly has been developed under the background "the state advances, the private sector retreats" in late years. In some sense, the former absolute monopoly has transformed the current relative monopoly. We contend that the relative monopoly has reversed the market-oriented reform in China's electric industry. If the relative monopoly remains unchanged, it will be harmful to public welfare.
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| 2 |
ID:
141162
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To date, there has been little to no literature examining Chinese Muslim immigrants to Western nations. Recognizing the dearth of such literature, this research presents what appears to be the first-ever descriptive statistical picture of Chinese Muslims migrating to and residing in Canada. By examining how this immigrant population compares to and fares against non-Muslim Chinese and non-Chinese Muslims in Canada with Canadian census data in 1991 and 2001, the research provides preliminary analysis on the saliency of originating Chinese Muslim ethnicity in immigration outcomes. The current findings suggest that with the intersection of cultural and religious identities, Chinese Muslim may experience a different assimilation process compared to non-Muslim Chinese and non-Chinese Muslims.
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| 3 |
ID:
107295
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Although many state agencies in China are designated with a function of "representing" ordinary people's interests, they are poorly structured for that purpose. It is therefore puzzling why some of them have at times actively and effectively advocated the interests of ordinary people, even when such interests may conflict with state policies. To solve this puzzle, this article examines a recent campaign by the Chinese Disabled Persons Federation to resist a national trend to ban the use of three-wheelers for passenger transport by many local governments. Our analysis recognizes the importance of personal motivations and favourable political structure, but it emphasizes that forceful popular collective action can create both pressure and opportunity for active state advocacy. Such a pattern of mutual-reinforcement between mass organizations and their constituency has sometimes contributed to the dynamics of political change in the reform era.
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| 4 |
ID:
187867
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| Summary/Abstract |
We consider a model of network interactions where the outcome of a unit depends on the outcomes of the connected units. We determine the key network link, i.e., the network link whose removal results in the largest reduction in the aggregate outcomes, and examine a measure that quantifies the contribution of a network link to the aggregate outcomes. We provide an example examining the spread of Covid-19 in China. Travel restrictions were imposed to limit the spread of infectious diseases. As uniform restrictions can be inefficient and incur unnecessarily high costs, we examine the design of restrictions that target specific travel routes. Our approach may be generalized to multiple countries to guide policies during epidemics ranging from ex ante route-specific travel restrictions to ex post health measures based on travel histories, and from the initial travel restrictions to the phased reopening.
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| 5 |
ID:
163766
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| Summary/Abstract |
One of the fundamental weaknesses of popular collective action in China is a lack of broad-based solidarity. This article examines the collective protests by workers at state-owned enterprises when many of them were restructured from the mid-1990s through the mid-2010s, which often led to downsizing, closures, or privatization. The article draws on interviews conducted with retirees and laid-off workers from 91 restructured state-owned enterprises in a city in Hunan Province, plus an in-depth case study of one factory there. The evidence shows that the local state was able to fragment labor activism not only by using intimidation and coercion to prevent broad-based mobilization but also by creating incentives for workers to pursue narrow identities and particularistic claims. This explains why the workers’ mobilization was often counterproductive—rather than building up group solidarity, their mobilization tended to divide and demoralize workers’ communities. The study examines the nature of the divisions between worker groups and shows which specific types of groups were able to persevere and which types were able to transcend a single firm in their claims. This article also indicates that divisions between worker groups were not always predetermined by socioeconomic cleavages but instead often resulted from workers’ interactions with the government and with each other. The findings provide insights into the limits of popular collective action in China.
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| 6 |
ID:
181135
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| Summary/Abstract |
Drawing on an ethnographic study in two counties in Hunan province, this article explores how political brokerage has contributed to political order in China by facilitating contentious and non-contentious bargaining between the government and ordinary people. To account for the changing role of village leaders in rural politics, the article develops a concept of dual brokerage. This concept not only recognizes formal and informal linkages between village leaders and the two principals – the government and the community of villagers – but also underscores the interactivity between the linkages. We contend that despite the tensions between village leaders’ roles as state agents and as village representatives, these two roles in the reform era tend to be mutually beneficial. Under such an institutional configuration, village leaders in China in the reform era have strong incentives to act as dual agents and can make policy implementation more flexible and the use of state force more moderate. A comparison between the trilateral interactions before and after the tax reform in 2005 confirms that whether village leaders can effectively act as dual agents has a significant impact on the quality of rural governance in China.
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