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| 1 |
ID:
138170
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| Summary/Abstract |
A prominent model of nuclear proliferation posits that a powerful patron state can prevent a weaker ally from proliferating by providing it with security guarantees. The history of West Germany's pursuit of the bomb from 1954 to 1969 suggests that a patron may also need to threaten the client state with military abandonment to convince it not to acquire nuclear weapons.
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| 2 |
ID:
147122
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| 3 |
ID:
132203
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| 4 |
ID:
108556
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The threat from North Korea is likely to continue with the apparent absence of
any intent or interest in giving up its nuclear ambitions in the near future. North
Korean provocations are likely to feature conventional weapons backed up by
Pyongyang's nuclear arsenal to deter any Korean and U.S. response against the
North. Overall, there is a possibility of further military challenges from the North
and a more unstable situation on the Korean peninsula, especially during the succession period apparently underway in North Korea. Therefore, resolving the
North Korean nuclear issue through the United Nations Security Council (UNSC)
could help the resumption of the Six-Party Talks (6PT). However, the complex
and intermingled goals of the 6PT are further limited by the new uranium enrichment program. During the present deadlock in these talks, Korea should support
the activities of the UNSC and North Korea Sanctions Committee, strongly
encourage the resumption of the 6PT, and make all diplomatic efforts to focus
international pressure on Pyongyang aimed at making it cease disrupting regional
security or furthering its nuclear ambitions. The best policy towards North Korea
is a peaceful solution of the nuclear crisis through the UNSC together with the
6PT.
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| 5 |
ID:
128203
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Economic sanctions and the threat of a strike on its nuclear installations, along with an offer of normalization, may force Iran to renounce its nuclear ambitions.
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| 6 |
ID:
161021
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| Summary/Abstract |
he crisis of the nuclear nonproliferation regime, developing in the face of the growing threat of international terrorism and the desire of some countries to obtain the most deadly of weapons, motivates the international community to find new ways to counteract these developments. In the early 1990s, the author of this article participated in negotiations for the nuclear disarmament of Ukraine, a former Soviet republic which received its full independence in 1991. The ‘nuclear disarmament’ of Kiev, whose nuclear arsenals exceeded those of Britain, France and China combined, took more than two years of negotiations. The following details reminiscences about those negotiations. I hope our experience will be of use to those who must address similar problems with other countries, in a totally changed global situation.
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| 7 |
ID:
134041
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article explores the drivers of North Korea and Iran's nuclear aspirations and behaviour by employing the theoretical prisms of 'security dilemma', 'regional security complex' (RSC) and 'social constructivism'. It argues that ideational values and interests are shaping Iranian and North Korean nuclear aspirations and behaviour. Conversely, the absence of positive inter-subjective understanding of the US and its allies regarding Iran and North Korea is influencing their nuclear non-proliferation policy towards these states. The nuclear ambitions and diplomacy of North Korea and Iran could be better understood by looking at the role of ideational, security and structuralism models that are influencing their threat perception in the respective security complexes. Thus, addressing the ideational factors and security dilemmas of the two states can help in resolving the twin threats to nuclear non-proliferation in the 21st century.
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