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ID:
108578
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The November 2008 terrorist attacks in Mumbai are analysed through six changing equations in India-Pakistan relations. The balance between military response and inaction is shifting towards the former. India has a vested but no longer critical interest in a strong and stable Pakistan. Pakistan's deniability has been based on separation between the government, army, ISI and terrorists whose plausibility is fading. To reverse the worsening security situation, Pakistan's military must be brought under full civilian control. Failing that, India will have to acquire the military capacity and political will to destroy the human and material infrastructure of terrorism in Pakistan. Finally, the rewards for Pakistan's contributions to the war on terror in Afghanistan exceed penalties for its fuelling of terror in India. The structure of incentives and penalties must be reversed.
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| 2 |
ID:
108585
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In recent times, US policy towards Iran's nuclear ambition has become one of the most contested and hotly debated issues in the US and elsewhere. As the Bush administration ended with little tangible success in addressing the proliferation concerns involving Iran, the issue has come to hunt the Obama administration as well. The American strategic community largely agrees that Iran has the ambition to acquire nuclear weapon status and thus the debate revolves around how best to respond to it. Vigorous arguments have been paraded to assess the cost and benefits of a US pre-emptive strike against Iran's nuclear installations. Similar and equally vital deliberations abound in the strategic circles with respect to the option of an Israeli strike and its implication for US foreign policy. The article attempts to analyse this dynamic American debate at a critical juncture as President Obama, previously seen as the anti-thesis of the Bush era, seems to be facing the same sort of constraints that his predecessor was up against, while searching for a sound policy to deal with the Iranian conundrum.
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| 3 |
ID:
108587
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article discusses the political role of the Olympic Games and its implications on the hosting country's political and social life by analysing two cases-South Korea (1988) and Mexico (1968). Contrary to the belief that the games were created as an event that transcends politics, this study concludes that Olympic Games have been and are used as a political tool for various purposes and specific political circumstances eventually influenced the selection of Mexico's and South Korea's priorities for national development. Moreover, the findings of this article demonstrate that the Olympic Games served as a catalyst accelerating democratic changes in South Korea, and this finding can be applied to heuristic analysis of the future Olympic Games.
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| 4 |
ID:
108583
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Underlying Pakistan's three experiments with a federal arrangement in the form of the 1956, 1962 and 1973 constitutions, there has been a persistent concern about constraining the numerical majority of the largest province, first East Bengal and later Punjab. The first two constitutions had virtually eliminated the federal principle in West Pakistan by merging the four provinces and various princely states into one megaprovince called One-Unit in order to establish parity between the two wings of the state. In post-Bangladesh Pakistan, while the 1973 Constitution provided a strong centre with scant provincial autonomy, it tacitly acknowledged the linguistic majorities of the four provinces as legitimate representatives of their respective federating units. Together, these developments brought the issue of provincial autonomy to the centre of the stage in Punjab-dominated national politics championed by the three smaller provinces of Sindh, Balochistan and Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa. 37 years after the promulgation of the 1973 Constitution, the 18th Amendment finally addressed this issue with full strength. Pakistan in the following half decade is expected to experience what by all means is going to be a tempestuous process of shifting several ministries and divisions from the federal to provincial capitals. There can be resistance from the army and the centralist bureaucracy against the perceived dilution of state authority on the one hand and 'minorities' from the three smaller provinces against their perceived persecution at the hands of the majority communities of these provinces on the other.
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| 5 |
ID:
108586
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Capital' has engulfed all other social constructs exalting the institutionalisation of property relations to its zenith to render capitalism its singular ubiquity. Conventional theories, including those of post-modernism or the notions of 'social capital' or 'social business', appear to be inadequate to grasp or assuage its antagonistic relations, rules and rationality. Capitalism acquired its current stature thriving first on autochthonous articulation of the economy and then harnessing 'other economies' to its own dynamics. This involved increased exploitation and appropriation of nature and labour necessitating increased subsumption of spatial loci and economies as 'medium and soil' and holding them in 'uneven and combined development' along with diverse modes of 'militarism'. With global expansion and gargantuan accumulation, lately capitalism came to be designated as 'globalisation'. Besides this benign appellation, earlier the 'highest stage' of capitalism was expounded as 'imperialism'. Bangladesh, India or the South Asian subcontinent altogether, were a crucial part of this whole development though its current stance and impact is more diverse and even disconcerting for them owing to differential nature and/or degree of assimilation with globalisation. This article briefly examines globalisation in general and as it concerns Bangladesh in particular with some of its contemporary ramifications for the people and polity.
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