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ID:
125940
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
KINSHASA, Congo-Joachim Andersson owned and operated a string of failed businesses before he founded Mineral Invest and began mining for gold in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. During the 1980s, Andersson worked as a pastry chef at an all-night café in a Stockholm suburb. It was the kind of place frequented by taxi drivers and prostitutes. Stolen goods were fenced in the café, and Andersson learned about precious metals. During the 1990s, he began dealing in minerals from Africa, and he was sentenced to five years in prison for tax evasion relating to importing gold.
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| 2 |
ID:
117394
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
THE OUTLINE of the DRC's contemporary foreign policy began to take shape with the end of the civil war (1998-2003) in the midst of a political and military crisis. To rehabilitate the national image and regain credibility on the international scene was not easy. The country had a large external debt (approximately $14 billion), lost its voting rights in the African Union (because of unpaid membership dues), and was poorly represented and passive in international organizations. During the transition period (2003-2005), the leadership's efforts were mainly to restore the devastated economy and lay the foundations of a democratic state. But instability on the eastern borders of the DRC, where disparate forces still fought each other, hampered those efforts.
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| 3 |
ID:
128716
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| 4 |
ID:
108612
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Many sub-Saharan African societies have undergone significant political shifts in the last two decades. Changes in political representation and leadership have generated new forms of political mediation and communication. This article interrogates one of the most visible transformations in Kinshasa's political society: television news reports about urban misery, often resulting from a malfunctioning state, in which Kinshasa's inhabitants testify about their difficulties and press fellow citizens, as well as local and national leaders, to bring about change. Exposing suffering is a shame mobilisation strategy, and so becomes a political act. Through the discursive and visual aesthetics of the proximity account, citizens and political leaders are inserted into one political community. The main argument of this article is that the proximity account illustrates a new kind of political communication. In this article I analyse the socio-political contexts in which the proximity report emerged and became popular. I trace the materialisation of this new kind of interaction between political leaders and citizens to the transformation of the late Zaïrian 'state', to vernacular understandings of 'democracy', and to the influence of NGO activities and Pentecostal Christianity.
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