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| 1 |
ID:
168791
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| Summary/Abstract |
It is widely predicted that East Asia’s conservative governments will lose political power for managing socioeconomic crises under neoliberal globalization and find no way out of their legitimacy problem. However, Korea’s and Japan’s conservative governments have recently constructed a new model of crisis management—compassionate paternalism—in a highly discretionary manner.
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| 2 |
ID:
128475
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This special section is to explore several key issues related to the development in three of the biggest East Asian cultural industries, namely in China, Japan, and South Korea. It addresses a few important dimensions of change that merit analysis-the emergence of East Asian cultural industries in terms of growths in scale and exports; the transnationalization of production and distribution; the relaxation of foreign ownership restraints; and changing relations between the cultural industries and the state. The attempt is to conceptualize the relations between the cultural industries and cultural policy; draw insights from critical media studies and cultural policy studies; and explore what it means for policy-makers when culture and creativity move from the margins to the center of economic activity.
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| 3 |
ID:
137188
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| Summary/Abstract |
In this article we explore whether South Korea's long-standing tradition of economic nationalism remains an appropriate development strategy, or whether this approach has been rendered irrelevant by the current wave of neoliberal globalization led by multinational corporations. We examine the changed economic agendas of each Korean regime, with a particular focus on national identity and economic nationalism, mobilized and implemented by the state. We argue that, despite the rapid development of globalization and cosmopolitanism in South Korea, economic nationalism is still prevalent. Korea's adoption of neoliberal economic activities, such as lifting trade barriers to encourage the inflow of foreign direct investment, was necessary to assist certain areas of the economy. Furthermore, changing the direction of the growth trajectory remains subordinate to the goal of state building. Empirical analysis of results collected from survey data and one-on-one interviews conducted in 2010 help to validate our hypothesis.
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| 4 |
ID:
108961
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article outlines the main elements of rupture and continuity in the global political economy since the global economic crisis of 2008-2009. While the current calamity poses a more systemic challenge to neoliberal globalization than genetically similar turbulences in the semi-periphery during the 1990s, we find that evidence for its transformative significance remains mixed. Efforts to reform the distressed capitalist models in the North encounter severe resistance, and the broadened multilateralism of the Group of 20 is yet to provide effective global economic governance. Overall, neoliberal globalization looks set to survive, but in a more heterodox and multipolar fashion. Without tighter coordination between old and emerging powers, this new synthesis is unlikely to inspire lasting solutions to pressing global problems such as an unsustainable international financial architecture and the pending environmental catastrophe and may even fail to preserve some modest democratic and developmental gains of the recent past.
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| 5 |
ID:
128477
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper investigates the changing role of the nation-state in the context of the broader social structure of society amid neoliberal globalization with a focus on the politics of the Korean Wave. It analyzes the ways in which the Korean government has developed its unique cultural policy and how it has contributed to the growth in Korean cultural production and export. The paper argues that neoliberal ideologies have not completely altered the role of the nation-state in the Korean Wave in spite of the dominance of neoliberal ideology in Korea's economic conduct.
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