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ID:
132978
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Few people have been shielded from the recent financial crisis and fewer still have suffered more than the Greeks. With unemployment rates above 27 percent, youth unemployment just below 60 percent, 25 percent shrinking of the GDP since 2009, higher taxes, lower wages and pensions, and only modest price deflation in the market, it is hard to be optimistic about a quick economic recovery. From Stagnation to Forced Adjustment provides a thorough discussion of the chronic pathologies that rendered Greece the weakest link during the Eurozone crisis. The book's contributors consider a range of explanations for "reform stagnation" in Greece despite the presence of seemingly favorable institutional conditions since the transition to democracy in 1974-a unitary state with stable one-party governments, cohesive parties, and few veto players. The theme of the volume is that lack of reform is causally related to the intense financial crisis that led to the sovereign debt crisis in Greece. The authors suggest that the crisis occured because of contextual factors that did not allow reforms to function properly or in some cases to be implemented at all. By setting the current crisis in a broader historical and political context, the book makes possible a deeper understanding of the developments surrounding it. And a review of this book provides an opportunity to also consider the broader meaning of the Greek crisis, which poses important questions for the future of democracy in the Eurozone.
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| 2 |
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| 3 |
ID:
130271
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Why do multi-ethnic states treat various ethnic groups differently? How do ethnic groups respond to these state policies? We argue that interstate relations and ethnic group perceptions about the relative strength of competing states are important-but neglected-factors in accounting for the variation in state-ethnic group relations. In particular, whether an ethnic group is perceived as having an external patron matters a great deal for the host state's treatment of the group. If the external patron of the ethnic group is an enemy of the host state, then repression is likely. If it is an ally, then accommodation ensues. Given the existence of an external patron, an ethnic group's response to a host state's policies depends on the perceptions about the relative strength of the external patron vis-à-vis the host state and whether the support is originating from an enemy or an ally of the host state. We present five configurations and illustrate our theoretical framework on the eighteen largest ethnic groups in China from 1949 to 1965, tracing the Chinese government's policies toward these groups, and examine how each group responded to these various nation-building policies.
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| 4 |
ID:
119932
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| 5 |
ID:
136456
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| Summary/Abstract |
Why do stateless nationalist movements change the area they see as appropriately constituting the nation-state they aspire to establish? This article draws a number of hypotheses from the literature on nationalism and state formation and compares the predictions of each about the timing, direction, and process of change to the empirical record in two stateless national movements in the post-Ottoman space: Fatah and the Macedonian Revolutionary Organization. Based on this investigation, the article argues that shifts in the areas stateless nationalist movements seek as their nation-states occur as a byproduct of the politically competitive domestic environment in which these movements are embedded. As nationalist movements engage in the competition for mundane power and survival, their leaders may alter their rhetoric about the extent of the desired national state to meet immediate political challenges that are often only loosely related to territorial issues. If these, initially tactical, rhetorical modulations successfully resolve the short-term challenges that spurred their adoption, they can become institutionalized as comprising the new territorial scope of the desired national state.
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