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ID:
183795
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article explores the link between soft power and nontraditional security (NTS) within the context of China-ASEAN maritime security cooperation, arguing that one should be neither overly optimistic nor dismissive with regard to the ability of NTS cooperation in the maritime domain to improve Chinese soft power capital within Southeast Asia. NTS cooperation helps advance Chinese soft power primarily through enhancing Chinese image as a positive contributor to regional maritime commons. In addition, willingness of China to cooperate with ASEAN on maritime NTS issues through structured framework of ASEAN-led institutions and forums helps demonstrate China's acceptance and willingness to act in accordance with diplomatic norms and principles. To a limited extent, the Chinese focus on NTS maritime security cooperation with ASEAN has also allowed China to gain a foothold regarding regional agenda setting—especially in terms of entrenching the "dual-track" approach to undertake practical cooperation on NTS issues pending a comprehensive settlement of disputes in the South China Sea. However, Beijing's parallel development of hard power resources and the complex interactions between NTS and traditional maritime security issues continue to fuel distrust and suspicion of ASEAN member states toward China.
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| 2 |
ID:
132136
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Maritime security in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) has become a central consideration. Shared risks and common vulnerabilities for state and non-state actors, generated by traditional and non-traditional security challenges, converge to a significant extent at sea. Risk-based approaches offer the potential for regional and extra-regional actors to engage in a constructive and non-confrontational dialogue that can assist collective security cooperation. Analyzing the evolving risk context, and assessing the risks and vulnerabilities, offers a sound basis for developing cooperative strategies for enhancing security in the maritime domain. Developing a regional strategic risk assessment, with a maritime security focus, should be a priority for IOR cooperative security entities. The Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) and the Indian Ocean Naval Symposium (IONS) could play significant roles in this work.
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| 3 |
ID:
170560
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| Publication |
New Delhi, KW Publishers Pvt. Ltd., 2020.
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| Description |
xxiv, 271p.: tables, figures, mapshbk
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| Standard Number |
9789389137453
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Copies: C:2/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 059841 | 327.54052/VER 059841 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
| 059842 | 327.54052/VER 059842 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 4 |
ID:
109091
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| 5 |
ID:
181652
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| Publication |
Oxon, Routledge, 2020.
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| Description |
235p.hbk
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| Series |
Politics in Asia Series; 08
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| Standard Number |
9780367028145
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 060084 | 359.00954/UPA 060084 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 6 |
ID:
129858
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
With growing focus on Indian Ocean maritime matters, improving naval cooperation through multinational exercises is key to reducing security risk. Shishir Upadhyaya asks whether India can use exercise like 'Milan 2014' to offset China's regional presence.
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| 7 |
ID:
144124
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article is based on a presentation made by the author at the Indian Ocean Regional Association Dialogue 2015 (a Track 1.5 initiative) at Perth in September 2015. It provides an overview of the extant sub-regional and regional multilateral maritime security cooperation mechanisms in the Indian Ocean Region to highlights the lessons learnt. It argues that while the sub-regional organisations seem to be working well, the regional organisations need to evolve in keeping with the changed maritime environment of the 21st century.
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| 8 |
ID:
154576
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper focuses on the importance of Japan–India–Sri Lanka cooperation in the Trump era. Japan's security policy gains even greater salience after Donald Trump's victory in the US Presidential elections. Although President Trump has promised to enhance US military might, the US' influence as a security provider has been declining. The Trump administration may also need time to re-establish a security policy and to evaluate its influence effectively. US allies and friendly countries now require a new security framework to adjust to the situation, one which seems to be emerging. This framework is a security network of numerous bilateral, trilateral, quadrilateral, and other multilateral cooperative relationships among US allies and friendly countries. Under this new system, Japan–India–Sri Lanka cooperation has an important role. In the new security order, there is a high probability that India will be the most influential sea power in the Indian Ocean. The strategic location of Sri Lanka has a significant influence on the security of the entire Indo-Pacific. To gainfully obtain its support, Japan and India need to find out what kind of support Sri Lanka needs, for which the Japan–India–Sri Lanka Trilateral Strategic Dialogue will be the best structural mechanism.
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