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| 1 |
ID:
172615
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| Summary/Abstract |
May 2019 marked 400 years of relations between Russia and China, two major powers belonging to different world civilizations. It was a long way from knowing or understanding absolutely nothing about each other, through conflicts, including armed clashes, to realizing that a peaceful dialogue based on mutual understanding and reciprocal concessions was the right choice. The first step in this direction was taken by Russia as it sent, in 1618-1619, Ivan Petlin's mission to China where it was welcomed at the diplomatic level.
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| 2 |
ID:
043558
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| Publication |
London, William Heinemann Ltd., 1971.
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| Description |
vii, 235p.Hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 010080 | 915.1/TER 010080 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 3 |
ID:
109188
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
China's regional policy is mainly centred on its efforts to forge a friendly, stable and prosperous neighbourhood. To achieve this end, China has developed an approach combining both partnership bilateralism and tailored regional multilateralism. By and large, China does not consider its neighbourhood as a whole and has been very cautious and hesitant to engage in overarching 'region-building'. China has relied mostly on soft (attractive) use of power, particularly economic power, supported by cultural and assurance diplomacy, even though diplomatic and economic coercion have been exercised occasionally. China has once again become the biggest economy in Asia. Yet, neither the new power configuration in Asia nor China's own ambitions point to a return to the old 'Middle Kingdom' with China holding a dominant position in its neighbourhood. China will most probably continue to see itself as a self-restrained regional power in the foreseeable future.
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| 4 |
ID:
124361
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2012.
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The People's Republic of China was formally founded in October 1949, only eleven months after the state of Israel. Although situated on opposite ends of the Asian continent, both nations began as poor, agrarian societies, early in their formation facing many similar challenges such as territorial threats. However, the geographic distance between the Middle Kingdom and the Holy Land, their location vis-à-vis Europe and the West, and their contrasting experience with the former colonial powers decisively influenced their world outlook, keeping these two countries at arm's length for decades. The United States in particular played a decisive role as an impediment to the natural growth of a stronger relationship between these two ancient nations that have much in common. Now, as China and Israel complete the twentieth year of diplomatic relations, and as the Sino-Israeli relationship appears more independent from American influence than ever before, the two nations are finally poised to explore the abundance of synergies that bind them through deeper and broader interaction and a shared goal of bringing those benefits to the wider world.
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| 5 |
ID:
122512
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| 6 |
ID:
005545
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| Publication |
New York, M E Sharpe, 1991.
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| Description |
xiii, 269p.hbk
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| Series |
Studies on Modern China
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| Standard Number |
0873325389
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 036800 | 951.04/GRA 036800 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 7 |
ID:
132246
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| Publication |
London, Zed Books, 2013.
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| Description |
xi, 154p.Pbk
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| Standard Number |
9781780325668
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 057797 | 327.5106/CHA 057797 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 8 |
ID:
168071
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| 9 |
ID:
139668
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article re-examines the frustrated Westernizing efforts of Yung Wing and the recalled students of the Chinese Educational Mission to the United States (1872–1881). It does so in response to recent scholarship (in both the Chinese and the English languages) which affirms the ‘transformative role’ of the returnees in late Qing reform and modernization. On the basis of a variety of sources, this article suggests, instead, that for those patriotic students returning to the Middle Kingdom, eager to bring about a fundamental change in its political system and rejuvenation of its civilization, disillusionment was often inevitable, and the choice—short of revolution—became one of either marginalization or co-option by the autocratic state. Despite all their achievements, China’s earliest students of the West ultimately failed to set the country upon a new modernizing course—a failure that pointed, beyond itself, to an emerging (and subsequently persistent) pattern in the troubled relationship between the new, Westernized elite and the state in modern China.
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| 10 |
ID:
122152
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| 11 |
ID:
125250
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
does Confucianism account for any part of the perceptions of international politics that Korean possess? if it does, then how significant has its influence been on the historical process of the conceptual formation of Korean's concepts of war and peace? first learned over two millennia ago, Confucianism finally become the sole ruling ideology under the Joseon Dynasty. Ever since, Confucian virtues moralistic approach, education of men, and family like international order with the middle kingdom at the centre, among many played dominant roles in Korean domestic politics as well as it foreign relations (Sino-Korea relations, almost exclusively). what seemed to last forever in East Asia, however confronted a massive challenge an the fate of Koreans was not exception. Korea's bandwagoing strategy within the Confucian world order could not function nay more with the advent of the age of imperialism and the subsequent foreign penetrations.
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