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| 1 |
ID:
107053
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The next challenge for EU member states in Central and Eastern Europe after accession is entry to the Euro-zone, making the dynamics of public opinion towards the Euro crucial for political leaders. We test three perspectives-economic, political and historical-ideational-with individual-level and contextual data from eight countries and conclude that the combined model based on individual wellbeing explains support for the Euro best. The most important positive determinants are not economic self-interest, but the success of economic transition, historical legacies of grave war experiences, a personal identity not exclusively focused on the nation and satisfaction with democracy.
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| 2 |
ID:
107055
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article examines the control system that Stalin established to enforce his orders. Historical records demonstrate that Stalin designed the system's scope, organisation and credentials to maximise its cost-effectiveness. On several occasions Stalin deliberately limited the system's size and stimulated whistle-blowing in an attempt to mitigate running costs. In contrast, distorted preferences and constraints on inspectors' loyalty contributed to the multiplication of the number of monitoring agencies. Because his orders were incomplete, Stalin authorised his inspectors not only to monitor, but also to intervene in operational matters wherever necessary.
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| 3 |
ID:
107056
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article compares the rates of intercountry adoption from 26 sending countries of the former Soviet Union and East Central Europe to 25 receiving countries during the period 2000-2006. While our data confirm that countries adopting foreign children have significantly higher incomes than those from which they adopt, they show no significant discrepancy in birth rates between the two groups, with some sending countries actually having lower birth rates than their corresponding receiving countries. We then suggest that high sending rates result, not from a large 'surplus' of children, but from institutions that can connect the sending countries' 'surplus' children with prospective parents in receiving countries, and that the legacies of communist rule include such institutions.
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| 4 |
ID:
107054
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study offers a computable general equilibrium methodology to analyse the involvement of multinationals in the motor vehicles sector in the post-communist Czech Republic. This allows estimating not only the economy-wide impact, but also the sectoral adjustments in a unified framework. The real levels of foreign direct investment received in the motor vehicles sector seem to produce only limited forward and backward linkages. Therefore, gross domestic product (GDP) and welfare increase slightly-and can even fall-after a certain degree of capital accumulation because saturation effects arise. Profit repatriation considerably exacerbates the negative effect on GDP and welfare.
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| 5 |
ID:
107051
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article presents new survey research, sensitive to local understandings of key terms, that helps resolve a longstanding debate on whether Russian public opinion generally supports democracy or authoritarianism. The central conclusion is that while Russians differ amongst themselves, they are best understood not as autocratic but as generally supportive of a particular form of democracy that social scientists have called 'delegative democracy'. This logically consistent preference structure reconciles diverse arguments and findings in the literature, sheds light on Putin's puzzling decision to cede the presidency to Medvedev in 2008, and offers insight into the public opinion foundations of 'hybrid regimes'.
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| 6 |
ID:
107050
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article compares the development of two institutional systems organising intergovernmental relations in the former Soviet Union: Russian federalism and post-Soviet regional integration. Despite the common origins of these two sets of institutions, and the common developmental trends they experienced over the first decade of their existence, the two systems diverged significantly in the 2000s. The article discusses the driving forces behind these differences. It also addresses various forms of direct links between centralisation in Russia and regional integration in the post-Soviet space; these include cross-border cooperation, policy spillovers and perceptions of decentralisation by national elites.
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| 7 |
ID:
107052
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Drawing on the literature of EU governance in its neighbourhood, this article investigates the EU's impact on Georgia by examining the following policies regarding EU-Georgia relations during the period 2004-2008: single market access; energy security; and foreign and security policy. It argues that policy-level incentives and the overall process of deepening relations with the EU are necessary conditions for the EU to make an impact. However, the EU-promoted rules and norms are key conditions for EU impact and for understanding whether they are adopted or not. The case of Georgia shows the limits of the EU's normative power. Geopolitical pressures and alternative models of development present a challenge for EU impact.
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