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| 1 |
ID:
119861
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In April, at an international conference in Palm Beach, I struck up a conversation with a senior adviser to ousted Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi. It was barely six months after he was forced to resign in November 2011. "So what's he doing now?" I asked politely. "Oh, he's planning for his comeback," the gentleman shot back with a broad grin. "And there's no doubt he'll be back."
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| 2 |
ID:
130946
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article looks at the legacy of 'Berlusconism' for Italian politics. On the right, we identify a process of fragmentation. As a result of the personalised leadership of Silvio Berlusconi, where loyalties and ties were to il cavaliere as an individual rather than to a party or a political tradition, there is little by way of legacy on the right. Surprisingly, we find that Berlusconi's greatest legacy lies on the left of Italian politics, in the figure of Matteo Renzi. In his savvy manipulation of the media and in the careful construction of his own image, accompanied by a non-ideological set of political slogans, Renzi has gone even further than Berlusconi. As a result, he may be the one to final bury Italian 'party government' and all its associated traditions and ideals.
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| 3 |
ID:
121241
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Italy's participation in the F-35 procurement program was initially decided
in 1998 by the left-wing government under Massimo D'Alema, the leader of
the former Italian Communist Party, which invested US$10 million in the
Concept Demonstration Phase (CDP) of the program. In 2002 the rightwing government led by Silvio Berlusconi confirmed this strategic choice by
committing $1.028 billion to the System Design and Development (SDD)
phase and by signing the US-Italy memorandum of understanding (MOU).
In 2007 the left-wing government guided by Romano Prodi signed the
bilateral MOU for the Production, Sustainment, and Follow-on Development
(PSFD) phase with an investment of $904 million.
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| 4 |
ID:
110300
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The bond markets turned on Italy in July 2011 as part of a wider loss of confidence in European efforts to manage the sovereign debt crisis. The centre-right government headed by Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi attempted to head off this change in sentiment by pushing through a package of reforms to promote fiscal consolidation and to stimulate growth. Bond traders shrugged off those actions as too little and too late.
The wider European context played an important role in that assessment. The heads of state and government of the eurozone were already struggling to come up with a second Greek bailout package at the start of the summer. This resulted not only in bitter fights within countries such as Slovakia, Finland and the Netherlands, but also further scrutiny of borrowers in Ireland, Portugal and Spain. Then the European Banking Authority published the results of its second round of stress tests for systemically important European banks. These were designed to calm the markets by factoring in losses on sovereign debt instruments and generating huge volumes of data on cross-border exposure. Instead, the tests merely underscored the belief that the whole European financial system remained fragile.
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| 5 |
ID:
109520
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