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| 1 |
ID:
162097
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article discusses the situation of asylum seekers in Hong Kong and how it has changed in recent years. Hong Kong treats asylum seekers relatively well compared to some other societies, but at the same time, the chance of being accepted as a refugee is virtually zero. Although it is illegal for asylum seekers to work, it is virtually impossible for them not to work given the miniscule government support they receive. Amidst government neglect, asylum seekers have emerged as heroes among some Hong Kong young people after the Umbrella Movement. Whereas in years past, asylum seekers were generally ignored or looked down upon by Hongkongers, among some youth today, asylum seekers have emerged as symbols of Hong Kong’s non-Chineseness.
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| 2 |
ID:
131659
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The warming cross-Taiwan Strait relationship has allowed China greater opportunities to influence Taiwan's media. Three interrelated strategies-greater economic control over media outlets, pressure exerted on media owners, and the purchase of influential advertisements-have led to growing concerns about the erosion of press freedoms in Taiwan.
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| 3 |
ID:
178165
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Australia—China relations, and especially Chinese influence in Australia, have been the subject of heated debate in Australia since 2016. The central issue is, how to balance concerns over Chinese influence in Australia with the economic benefits of Chinese trade and investment? This study—arguably the first of its kind—answers this question using rigorous empirical modelling. First, it uses Google Trends search results to measure Chinese influence in Australia. Second, it connects Chinese influence, as reflected in Google Trends search results, to financial markets, including stock markets, government bond markets and foreign exchange markets. Weekly data for January 2016–December 2019 are entered into an exponential generalised autoregressive conditional heteroskedastic model. The study finds that the effects of concerns over Chinese influence relate mainly to increased volatility of stock market indices and government bond yields, and downward pressure on the share prices of individual firms that are heavily exposed to Chinese markets. However, the overall effects appear to be minor or insignificant. The implications of these results are that China’s economic coercion (if any) may not be effective, and Australia’s responses to Chinese influence and interference (if any) may generate insignificant costs. Finally, this study makes original and significant academic contributions to academia by providing a novel framework for exploring international relations.
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| 4 |
ID:
191872
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Geo-economic rivalry is back on the international agenda, particularly in the field of high technology. Very often, technical standards are regarded as being a central arena of this competition. Surprisingly ignored is the question, how precisely technical standard-setting (such as Wi-Fi or 5G) empowers China. Based on the analysis of quantitative data, primary sources, and in-depth interviews, this article substantiates the widespread hypothesis that China’s growing footprint in technical standardization empowers the Chinese party-state. It introduces seven proxies to measure influence on standard-setting. Next, it explains how technical standards can be utilized by states to gain economic, legal, political, and discursive influence. Finally, it shows thatChina’s growing footprint in technical standardization is the result of party-state engagement, which provides leverage to China’s political leadership.
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| 5 |
ID:
109722
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| 6 |
ID:
169427
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| Summary/Abstract |
With the rise of China and its growing economic presence in South Asia, the power structure of the region is changing. India’s traditional primacy in the region is challenged by a growing Chinese presence. At the same time, small South Asian nations like Nepal view these changes as an opportunity to enhance their vision of economic development and also diversify their dependency.
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| 7 |
ID:
137895
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| Summary/Abstract |
As the geo-economic and geo-strategic competition-space between India and China coincides in the Indian Ocean, there is a significant possibility of this ‘competition’ transforming into ‘conflict’. The fact that China (including Hong Kong) is today India’s largest trading partner offers cold comfort, for history has repeatedly shown that trade-based inter-dependence between nations offers no bulwark against state-on-state conflict.
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| 8 |
ID:
167265
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The Republic of Maldives is an important member of the SAARC and offers key strategic value to its allies, especially India. It becomes necessary to examine how a souring in relations between Male and New Delhi, along with an unprecedented Chinese presence in the archipelago, raises geopolitical risks for India.
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| 9 |
ID:
130639
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper investigates the notion that China's proposed development of ports and supporting hinterland infrastructure on the East coast of Africa serves greater geostrategic interests within Africa and the Indian Ocean. It cautions against a trend which accuses Chinese commercial infrastructural and resource development of being symmetrical with an almost colonial-like political influence. Through a comparison with nineteenth-century German and British colonialism in the region, the paper argues that, while there are certain affinities, the Chinese presence today is significantly different. Central to the argument is that Chinese port and hinterland developments are supplemented by a host of other actors, including host states, multinational corporations and regional development funds. The broader market economic system in which China and Africa engage today entails that Chinese unfettered access to projects is complicated by the interests of multiple stakeholders. The Chinese presence has been exaggerated at the expense of other actors and thus, in any future conflict, it cannot be assumed that China will be able to mobilise this infrastructure in its interests. This has implications for the broader analysis of China's growing presence in the Indian Ocean.
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| 10 |
ID:
139954
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| Publication |
London, WeidenFeld and Nicolson, 1968.
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| Description |
xi, 395p.: ill., mapshbk
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| Standard Number |
297002376
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 005784 | 952/HAL 005784 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 11 |
ID:
123292
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2013.
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Begun in 2009, the Lower Mekong Initiative (LMI) is now America's foremost engagement vehicle on the Indochina peninsula of Southeast Asia. From the outset, its most concrete aim was to facilitate an integrated water management scheme for the lower Mekong River, where plans to harness the river's hydroelectric potential as a catalyst for economic development have clashed with more traditional uses of the river. But more broadly, the LMI also serves a larger American goal: to encourage regional cohesion and thereby slow the spread of Chinese influence. Whether the LMI achieves these aims largely depends on how successful its member countries- including the United States and all of Southeast Asia's riparian countries-are in putting to rest the differences over how best to balance the various uses of the Mekong River.
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| 12 |
ID:
127394
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| 13 |
ID:
180276
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| Publication |
Abingdon, Taylor and Francis, 2021.
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| Description |
v, 97p.pbk
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| Standard Number |
9781032152073
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 060047 | 327.51094/CHU 060047 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 14 |
ID:
140639
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| Summary/Abstract |
Last year will be remembered as a year of protests in the Chinese-speaking world. They ranged from frequently occurring smaller incidents in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and rare protests in Singapore and Macao to large-scale movements in Taiwan and Hong Kong. Early in 2014, the world was surprised by the occupation of Taiwan’s national legislature by the March 18 Movement, later dubbed the Sunflower Movement. In the fall, the Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong made history and captured international attention by occupying sections of the city for weeks. Both were actions against the growing influence of Beijing.
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| 15 |
ID:
145019
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| Publication |
Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2016.
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| Description |
xiii, 291p.: figures, tableshbk
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| Standard Number |
9780198758518
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058658 | 327.95105/GOH 058658 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 16 |
ID:
128098
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
China and Myanmar's deep strategic and economic relationship is changing. Jan Zalewski examnines how Myanmar's transition from military dictatorship to a form of semi democratic governance will affect Sino-Myanmar Relations in the future
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