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| 1 |
ID:
179337
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the 2020 general election, the National League for Democracy (NLD) won 920 of the total 1,117 seats, which was upped by 61 seats from its win in the 2015 election. The main opposition party, the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), won 71 seats, down 46 from the 2015 election when it won 117 seats. The election result gave a strong mandate to the NLD for another five years. On the other hand, the USDP accused the NLD of engaging in electoral fraud including the buying of votes, and called for fresh elections in coordination with the military. Following a complaint from its proxy party, the USDP, the military initially said it would conduct an investigation in 218 townships where the military personnel and their family members cast their votes, which it expanded to 314 townships in all states and regions across the country; this finally led to the declaration of a state of emergency rule (the military coup) on 1 February 2021. Ethnic parties also alleged that the NLD government made certain pre-poll decisions that disadvantaged the ethnic minorities. This paper analyzes the electoral process and its outcome in an attempt to understand whether the election led to the deepening of democracy or the widening of division in the country's democratization process.
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| 2 |
ID:
131247
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The simmering tension between Rakhine Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims in Western Myanmar escalated into a violent conflict in 2012, first in June and again in October. The violence led to the loss of over a hundred lives, destruction of thousands of homes, and the displacement of tens of thousands of people. The Myanmar government intervened to end the bloodshed but tension continues to linger. This article argues that, instead of alienating the Rohingyas politically, consociational democracy should be pursued to address the problem. The support and cooperation of both Buddhists and Muslims, and perhaps assistance from a neutral organization like the United Nations, would help achieve a political solution.
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| 3 |
ID:
160674
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The South China Sea disputes involve both island and maritime claims among sovereign states and the issue has long been a point of debate in international politics. It involves not only the countries in dispute but also other major world powers, including the United States. Its important strategic location and the abundant resources make the South China Sea a target of contention among the claimant countries. The arbitral ruling in July 2016 gives a new momentum to the dispute. The article examines the strategic relations of China and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) by analyzing the positions and steps taken by ASEAN and China, as well as ASEAN-China joint initiatives. It also discusses the challenges and viable solutions to the dispute.
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| 4 |
ID:
109810
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Though the original focus of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) was primarily economic cooperation, the adoption of the ASEAN charter in November 2007 officially included cooperation on human rights. This article examines three hypotheses to determine the causes of cooperation problems: regime type, non-interference policy, and absence of an enforcement mechanism in the ASEAN charter. The article argues that regime type is important but it is neither a necessary nor a sufficient condition; the non-interference policy is necessary but not sufficient; and it is the absence of an enforcement mechanism in the ASEAN charter that causes cooperation problems on human rights.
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| 5 |
ID:
145408
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| Summary/Abstract |
The election helps the democratization process move forward. However, the nature of power transition suggests that some authoritarian elements are likely to remain entrenched. The article (which gives a full account of the election including the election process, the parties involved, the results and the negotiations following the elections including those involving Aung Sang Suu Kyi) argues that holding of a free and fair election is important for democratization but does not guarantee a successful transition to consolidated democracy.
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| 6 |
ID:
144133
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| Edition |
South Asian ed.
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Routledge, 2016.
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| Description |
xviii, 194p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
9781138667877
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058582 | 321.80954/KIP 058582 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 7 |
ID:
173238
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| Summary/Abstract |
In 2017, India celebrated its 25 years of dialogue partnership, 15 years of summit level interaction and 5 years of strategic partnership with ASEAN. The article examines India–ASEAN relations by focusing on four important issues—politics, economy, security, and social and culture. The South China Sea dispute is also analyzed to understand the security concerns both India and ASEAN have on the issue. It argues that India–ASEAN relationship will continue to grow in the future. For India, however, the relationship is geared more toward economic cooperation than any other issues. Therefore, it is unlikely that New Delhi will take confrontational measures that could escalate tensions with Beijing, at least in the near future. So long as India is hesitant or reluctant to speak out on the aggressive activities of China or take a more counterbalancing role in the SCS, ASEAN, especially the claimant states, will continue to view India as an unreliable
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| 8 |
ID:
117925
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2013.
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This article analyses the conflict between the Kuki and Naga ethnic groups in the state of Manipur in North East India and attempts to understand why tensions arose in the first place and remain today between the two ethnic groups despite the formal cessation of hostilities in 1997. This ethnic conflict is shown to be a consequence of a lingering identity problem, aggravated by land disputes and equivocal responses of the state. It is argued that continued land disputes, the Nagas' unwillingness to perform Kuki customary rites and the government's indifference to the problem prevent these two groups from reaching a sustainable solution.
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| 9 |
ID:
163405
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The question of autonomy or self-determination in Myanmar goes back to the country’s pre-independence era. It is an important historical issue which unified and divided the country. The idea of forming a union government that would grant equal status to all citizens brought together different ethnic groups at the Panglong conference in 1947. However, the country’s conflicts remain and efforts are on to address the decades-old problems. One possible solution widely discussed is federalism. This article analyzes different federal systems and argues that a non-territorial form of federalism could best address the grievances of ethnic minorities because of the scattered population of several ethnic groups across different geographical regions.
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| 10 |
ID:
124835
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The release of political prisoners by the Burmese government and the successful holding of by-elections were two major landmarks of 2012 that led to improvements in relations between US and Myanmar. The confirmation of Derek Mitchell as the new US Ambassador to Myanmar an the lifting of American investment sanctions followed by the suspension of import bans from the country were significant results of the improving relationship.
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| 11 |
ID:
115721
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2012.
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This article explores the different patterns of political transitions under two military dictatorships in Southeast Asia. Burma and Indonesia were former colonies which gained independence from the British and the Netherlands in 1948 and 1945 respectively. General Ne Win ruled Burma for over two decades (1962-88) and General Suharto ruled Indonesia for over three decades (1967-98). The article examines why Burma remained a military dictatorship after the downfall of the Ne Win-led Burma Socialist Program Party (BSPP) government, while Indonesia transitioned to a democratic society with the collapse of the Suharto-led New Order government. The article argues that a lack of a unified and established civilian leadership, coupled with the army's reluctance to relinquish power, led to another military coup in Burma, whereas the military in Indonesia encouraged the emergence of a civilian government by establishing and strengthening bureaucracies.
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| 12 |
ID:
118141
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2013.
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The article analyses US-Burma relations under two different US administrations. Since the failed 1988 democracy uprising in Burma, the United States of America and the Union of Burma have had a strained relationship. This resulted in the US government's downgrading of its representative from ambassador to chargé d'affaires. The Republican administration of President George W. Bush pursued an isolationist policy by imposing sanctions on Burma from 2001 to 2009. When President Barack H. Obama took office in 2009, his Democratic administration embarked on a dual-track policy, engaging the Burmese leaders in a senior-level dialogue while continuing with sanctions. Although both the Republican and Democratic administrations pursued sanctions, the dual-track policy of the Obama administration was better received by the Burmese government. Democratic reforms within Burma played an important role in improving the bilateral relations under the Obama administration.
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