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| 1 |
ID:
109567
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the phenomenon of prolonged singlehood in Israeli orthodox society on the basis of interviews and two scenes from plays performed by two orthodox theaters during 2006-07. These plays reflect the vibrant discourse taking place within orthodox circles on this pressing issue, and the article contributes to understanding of the orthodox singles' problematic status in a pro-family society by combining analysis of the theatrical presentations and information gathered through qualitative research methods: interviews, field journal entries, and observations. The inter-disciplinary approach adopted here incorporates the fields of gender studies, anthropology, literature, and performance studies. It allowed me to bridge the gap between the personal experiences I learned about in the interviews and the theater produced by the singles. Prolonged singlehood is presented in the plays as a religious trial for unmarried adults, and their future release from their problematic status is in God's hands. This ostensible solution and explanation of the phenomenon enables singles to invalidate the communities' criticism of them and to subvert their own self-criticism.
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| 2 |
ID:
109568
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Among Israel's socialization agents during its first years were teachers who were sent off everywhere where there were children of compulsory school age. The majority of the teachers teaching in the periphery lacked pedagogical training. They were recruited by the Ministry of Education owing to the shortage of teachers in the wake of the mass immigration. Among them were immigrant teachers, who were struggling to integrate into the society, and young teachers of the 1948 generation, including novice teachers and soldier teachers. These two groups were expected not merely to teach, but also to fulfill various specialist functions in their contact with their pupils' families, struggling with problems typical of immigrants. This article examines their biographical profile affecting their activity and indicates that teaching in the periphery empowered the young teachers, while enabling the immigrant teachers to join the middle class of veteran Israelis within a relatively short time.
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| 3 |
ID:
109571
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The current study continues the empirical, quantitative line of research, which, in recent years, has become an important part of the literature pertaining to the relationship between law and politics in Israel. This literature discusses the relationship between the Supreme Court as the High Court of Justice (HCJ) and the political system of government and the Knesset, but lacks a quantitative analysis of this relationship mainly by the government. This study, based on 2,869 petitions filed by petitioners to the HCJ against the government and its members between 2000 and 2006, seeks to remedy this lack. We found that despite the increase in petitions against the government, the HCJ intervenes less in the government's work-only in 18% of cases did it intervene and hear the petitioners. According to the data, about 50% of the petitions were rejected by the HCJ, 21% were postponed, and 11% were retracted, either by the state or by the petitioner. This study is mainly descriptive and does not pretend to deeply analyze the reasons for the findings. Such analyses may be found in an institutional-process analysis of the relationship between the HCJ and the Israeli government as a means for resolving the empirical findings.
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| 4 |
ID:
109566
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Interaction between a minority and the majority is usually multifaceted and can be examined from different angles. This article explores the approach of National-Religious Israelis towards the media, primarily television, radio, and printed press, as a means to understanding the relationship of that group to the larger society.
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| 5 |
ID:
109570
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In 1949 the majority of Yemenite Jewry-more than 40,000 persons-arrived in Israel. Their arrival was the result of an Israeli initiative, in cooperation with Jewish organizations and the rulers of Aden and Yemen. However, the gradual, planned departure turned into a hasty mass exodus that cost hundreds of lives. The suffering and the victims were mostly the result of failures by the organizers: the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee, in charge of the operation with the assistance of the Jewish Agency, and the government of Israel. Despite its catastrophic characteristics, the immigration from Yemen was described in terms of rescue, miracles, and redemption-a combination of eschatological and orientalist concepts. In the following years "Operation Magic Carpet" was commemorated in the naming of streets and was praised in literature, poetry, historical research, and in the collective memory of Yemenite Immigrants in Israel, becoming one of the establishing images of the relationship between the state and its Mizrahi citizens. It presented these Jews as victims of persecutions by hostile Arab rule, victims who were sentenced to poverty and to social and cultural degeneration. According to this image, Israel was portrayed as a rescuer of these wretched Jews.
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| 6 |
ID:
109564
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Against the background of the currently contentious issue of attitudes towards Israel and Zionism in the international media, this article sheds light on the Jewish Agency's press and propaganda work in Palestine and abroad during two crucial years leading up to the establishment of the state of Israel. Previously unexplored, the Agency's media activity, mainly directed towards the Anglo-American press and run by a group of exceptionally talented individuals, was eventually regarded as a most effective propaganda tool in Palestine and abroad during the Zionist political and insurgent conflict with the British Government and mandatory authorities. External circumstances and appropriate Jewish Agency policies overall, also contributed significantly to the success of the press work in gaining international legitimacy and media support during that period.
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| 7 |
ID:
109569
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In more or less a single decade, the common view in Israel regarding the relation between education and the economy underwent a radical shift. Academic secondary schooling, which was commonly and explicitly depicted as economically harmful, became the consensual goal of educational policy. This article argues that this relatively clear-cut shift is an instance in which new economic thinking (above all, the Investment in Human Capital approach) swiftly gained acceptance and was implemented in governmental policy. Following this shift, education was assigned a central role in economic and social policy, a role it has maintained ever since.
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| 8 |
ID:
109565
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article discusses secular, Jewish youth, in the urban centers during Israel's initial decades. More specifically, it examines the subcultures of youths who refused to behave according to the behavioral codes enforced by their parents' generation. Young people in these subcultures expressed their resistance to hegemonic norms by means of fashion, style, and certain rituals. It focuses on some manifestations of Israeli youth subcultures in three key periods of Israeli history. 1) The late 1950s and the beginning of the 1960s, when the state was still the dominant element, defining Israeli society and culture. 2) The end of the 1960s and the beginning of the 1970s, when the state and its institutions began to lose their power and Israel as a whole embarked a process of liberalization, involving greater openness to Western culture and a rise in the general standard of living. 3) The end of the 1970s and the beginning of the 1980s, when the liberalization process was accelerated and Israeli society became more pluralistic, with more room for voices and organizations independent of the state.
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