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| 1 |
ID:
110318
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
WITH U.S. combat troops out of Iraq and that country facing an uncertain future, many challenges hover over the lands of old Mesopotamia. The most ominous is the unsettled struggle over power, territory and resources among the country's political elites. While often described in straightforward ethnic and sectarian terms, this strife has gone through many phases. Various alliances have come together and broken apart as the power struggle has shifted from a sectarian street war to heightened tensions between Baghdad and the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in Erbil. Most recently, the main axis of confrontation has been between Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki's Shia-led government and its putative governing partner, the mostly Sunni Iraqiya list.
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| 2 |
ID:
145367
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Kurdish question continues to be an important factor in West Asian and international politics. Kurdistan has among the largest oil reserves in West Asia. According to various studies, Kurdistan sits on 43.7 billion barrels (bb) of proven oil and 25.5bb of potential reserves. In addition, the majority of the estimated 200 trillion cubic feet of gas in Iraq is reported to be in Kurdistan region. The Kurds along with the other discontented minorities are the victims of foreign intervention (colonial/neocolonial), economic and political deprivation and political repression.
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| 3 |
ID:
121509
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| 4 |
ID:
155892
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Despite not having achieved statehood, the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in Iraq has been increasingly active in the international arena since the founding of its Department of Foreign Relations in 2005. This article assesses how successful this diplomacy has been at advancing the interests of both the KRG and the Kurdish statehood enterprise. This article then situates the KRG's foreign initiatives in the growing body of International Relations literature on the foreign policies of non-state actors.
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| 5 |
ID:
161446
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The Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) possesses many of the traditional hallmarks of political authority and society, such as state institutions (an Executive, Legislature, and Judiciary), political parties, civil society, elections, and local government. Nevertheless, for the past twenty-five years, it has failed to create a unified political system that adheres to a mutually accepted form of government. Political division, in particular, a rivalry between the main parties, has proved to be a real impediment to the political development and stability of the Region.
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| 6 |
ID:
112119
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| 7 |
ID:
161474
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| Summary/Abstract |
The higher education (H.E.) sector in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (K.R.I.) has expanded rapidly in the last two decades, but there has been only limited quality control of the H.E. system. This exploratory study examines the perceptions of university representatives about the quality of H.E. in the Region. It explores the higher education system from the perspective of the academic staff and university leaders, with a focus on evaluating the system’s quality. The findings from the analysis of a quantitative online questionnaire survey carried out in four public universities in the region are presented and discussed, comparing the responses from different groups of respondents. The survey used closed questions, although respondents could add open-ended textual comments at the end of the questionnaire. The sample population was comprised of 703 participants, and the survey included the following dimensions of quality: teaching; leadership; facilities; funding and employability. The results demonstrate that the majority of respondents were critical of the H.E. system in the region. Only 15 per cent of respondents had positive perceptions about the current H.E. system, and more than 60 per cent were negative. Furthermore, the leadership of the universities were also dissatisfied with both the H.E. system and their own role.
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| 8 |
ID:
119445
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Ten years after regime change in Iraq, the Kurdistan Region has emerged as a transformative force in the international affairs of the Middle East. The Kurds have moved to being architects of the new Iraqi state, but have thereby forced an ideational contest between them - as visionaries of a decentralized Iraq - and successive Iraqi governments that favour a centralized authority structure.
In addition to this first set of developments, the prominence of the Kurds is also explained by two additional sets of issues. The second concerns the interplay of federalism in Iraq and the management of the country's oil and gas reserves. Kurdistan's expansion of its hydrocarbons industry has been met with opposition from Baghdad that has furthered the polarization and enmity between the two sides.
The third issue, which serves to make concrete the gains made by the Kurds, concerns regional geopolitical developments. For the first time in a century, the nationalist interests of the Kurds in Iraq are compatible with the sectarian interests of Turkey and Sunni Arab states.
These three issues (domestic development, economic advancement and regional geopolitics) come together to explain the Kurdistan Region's agency in a rapidly transforming regional complex and raise the possibility of an independent Republic of Kurdistan emerging in the near future as an idea that is no longer regarded as impossible.
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