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| 1 |
ID:
110195
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| 2 |
ID:
110200
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In recent years, both the European Union (EU) and the People's Republic of China (PRC) have considerably stepped up their presence in Africa, including in the field of peace and security. This article
discusses how the EU's and China's understanding of governance and
sovereignty affects their respective security strategies in Africa. It argues
that although European and Chinese rhetoric significantly differs in
terms of the doctrines of sovereignty and governance, the conventional
wisdom of two competing security models is inaccurate. As a matter of
fact, Brussels and Beijing pursue converging security interests in Africa, a
fact that can open the door for coordinated Sino-European crisis management efforts.
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| 3 |
ID:
110196
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
As China's footprint in African trade grows larger by the day,
the need to contextualize this rise through comparative analysis becomes
ever more necessary. This paper contrasts the sub-Saharan trade relations of both China and Europe with their respective designated stereotypes: those of a dragon and a dove. The article compares the trade dynamics on four levels: the policies and institutional mechanisms that
shape the relationship; the composition of the trade flows; the geographic distribution of trade dominance; and the influence of norms and values on the trade pattern. It concludes that although there are empirical
grounds behind these stereotypes, Chinese and European trade relations
with sub-Saharan Africa are becoming more similar, partly due to a more
hawkish European stance.
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| 4 |
ID:
110199
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article aims to assess how China is using its navy to secure its interests in the Gulf of Aden, and what this means for the European Union. The analysis of how China's naval presence in the Gulf of
Aden has evolved since early 2009 suggests that China's increasing interests and involvement in Africa do not necessarily lead to the establishment of Chinese naval bases in or close to the continent. To supply its
ships, the Chinese navy may well continue using the commercial-diplomatic model that China has been developing. This model is based on
China's close diplomatic relations with countries in the region and the
extensive presence of Chinese companies to whom logistical services can
be outsourced and who are under a greater degree of state influence than
most Western multinationals. One of the consequences of this approach
is that although China may not establish overseas military bases, it may
be able to keep expanding its naval presence in or around Africa.
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| 5 |
ID:
110197
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
It has long been recognised that the actors involved in crafting
and implementing China's foreign policy are not always in agreement.
This paper argues that the prioritisation of commercial outreach over
purely political objectives in Africa has led to a shift in influence from
the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) to the Ministry of Commerce
(MOFCOM). To that end, the paper examines the rising prominence of
China Exim Bank's concessional loans as a foreign policy instrument in
Africa along with the process through which they are negotiated and
implemented. Using the case of Angola, this paper shows how despite
formal institutional equality, the MOFCOM is playing a far more influential role than the MFA is in defining the direction of China's foreign
policy toward Africa.
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| 6 |
ID:
110198
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
African regional organizations play a significant role in maintaining peace and security on their continent. This article looks at how
China, as an emerging power in Africa, has incorporated these organizations into its policies on African security crises. It asserts that China has
explicitly endorsed regional conflict resolution mechanisms, which it
perceives as having a less intrusive impact on third world countries' sovereignty than have initiatives taken under the global collective security
system led by the UN Security Council. Moreover, China strengthening
cooperation with African regional organizations and aligning its stance
with the views emerging from these regional bodies is an important way
in which China has tried to respond to the rising security challenges and
political demands it is faced with in Africa. The article briefly considers
what influence China's increased attention to African regional bodies is
having on efforts by Africa's traditional donors to help build - but also
shape - Africa's emerging peace and security architecture.
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