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| 1 |
ID:
017157
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| 2 |
ID:
191041
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| Summary/Abstract |
THE myth of the indestructibile primacy of Western countries - former metropolises in world affairs, including on the African continent - is crumbling day by day, proving its groundlessness. The colossus's feet turned out to be clay, unable to stand the test of time. Today, the West is at a loss over Russia's practical steps to strengthen friendly relations with the states of Africa and the East in the name of international security and cooperation for the benefit of all peoples.1.
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| 3 |
ID:
160028
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| Summary/Abstract |
Why do partitioned successor states engage one another in armed conflict? We explore the drivers of war between successor states by comparing two border crises that followed the partitions of Ethiopia (1993) and Sudan (2011). We argue that the politico-military struggles that give way to partition create important historical memories that shape what successor states think about the utility of military force. While the partition of Ethiopia yielded successor states led by regimes that were victors of the preceding war of partition, the war of partition in Sudan produced successor states that emerged out of military stalemate. This distinction explains why Ethiopia and Eritrea waged a costly border war that Sudan and South Sudan were able to avoid.
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| 4 |
ID:
185759
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| Summary/Abstract |
The civil war that erupted in November 2020 in Ethiopia was a culmination of several overlapping, long-running conflicts. The main conflict involves the nature of the Ethiopian state: whether it should be a unified structure reflecting a singular national identity, or a multiethnic federal system preserving autonomy for regional states. The discrete conflicts involve tensions between the central state and the regional states of Tigray and Oromo; territorial disputes between different ethnic groups; and an old rivalry between the regime of neighboring Eritrea and the ruling party in Tigray. The complex layers of the war make peace all the more elusive.
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| 5 |
ID:
090141
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In 2008, the number of active armed conflicts was 36, up by one from 2007. Over the past few years, the number of active conflicts has not seen any drastic changes from one year to the next. However, the number of armed conflicts has increased by nearly one-quarter since 2003, which was the year with the lowest number of active armed conflicts since the 1970s. While the number of conflicts continued to increase, the number of wars (i.e. conflicts with over 1,000 battle-related deaths) remained at a very low level, with only five recorded for 2008. Four conflicts listed in 2007 were no longer active in 2008, but during the year, two conflicts were restarted by previously recorded actors (in Burundi and in Georgia). Furthermore, three new conflicts erupted, one of which was fought between states (Djibouti-Eritrea). Thus, the record-long four-year interlude 2004-07 with no interstate conflict was broken.
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| 6 |
ID:
082100
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
this article Eritrea is discussed as a developmental state based on biopolitics. Taking the example of higher education, it is shown how the biopolitical project as applied to education policies and human resource development at first succeeded in terms of reinforcing personal nationalism, while at the same time opening up spaces for the fulfilment of personal aspirations. Of late, however, the biopolitical project has turned 'pernicious' and has become a tool of oppression. These developments, if they are to continue, will not only jeopardise the state's developmental agenda but may lead to the Eritrean polity in its present form becoming unviable
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| 7 |
ID:
144932
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article uses data from the Eritrean war for independence to refine existing theories of rebel fragmentation. The author argues organizational performance affects the emergence of factional infighting within rebel organizations in unique and novel ways. While battlefield losses increase the likelihood of internal fragmentation, so do battlefield gains. The implication is battlefield stalemates possess unique properties that promote organizational cohesion in war, a relationship this study refers to as “cohesive stalemates.” The article extends an emerging literature on the internal politics of insurgent groups that has linked the coherence of rebel organizations to rebel losses.
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| 8 |
ID:
168262
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| Summary/Abstract |
Diversionary theories of war suggest that leaders may engage in bellicose foreign policies to divert the public’s attention from domestic problems and capitalize on a ‘rally around the flag’ type of effect. The evidence regarding diversionary theory is quite mixed. More recently, scholars have focused on situations that create opportunities for diversionary behavior, such as international rivalry and territorial disputes. This paper adds to the growing literature on diversionary conflict by considering the Ethiopia–Eritrea case and applying an opportunity-based approach. We assess whether the Ethiopia–Eritrea War (1998–2000) is consistent with diversionary explanations for the war, as many have previously claimed.
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| 9 |
ID:
120918
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article analyses contemporary Eritrea's acute crisis within the framework of the theory of anomie. It is based on the hypothesis that militarisation, forced labour, mass exodus and family disintegration can be interpreted as the consequences of two incompatible norm and value systems: the collectivist, nationalistic and militaristic worldview of the former liberation front and ruling party People's Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ), and the traditional cultural system of Eritrea's society. In 2002 the regime introduced an unlimited 'development campaign', thereby forcing large parts of the society to live as conscripts and perform unpaid labour. This has caused a mass exodus of young people and a rapid process of family disintegration. The article is based on empirical fieldwork and evaluates the ongoing developments which have led to rapid economic decline and the destabilisation of the entire fabric of society.
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| 10 |
ID:
073151
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| Publication |
Washington, D C, Brookings Institution, 1995.
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| Description |
x, 353p.Pbk
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| Standard Number |
0815797036
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 051506 | 909.82/ZAR 051506 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 11 |
ID:
091170
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Supporting allies in a conflict in foreign lands is an adventure fraught with difficulty. As imperial powers regularly discovered, local powerbrokers can often incite violent opposition that undermines any influence they have. Moreover, the ability to control proxies, who often come saddled with their own personal amitions and enemies, is limited, meaning even if they are successful in brokering power, they may pursue policies antithetical to the patron state. The fact that the anti-Soviet mujahideen in Afghanistan were materially supported by the United States in the 1980s, and went on to forge both Al-Qaeda and the Taliban, is a current example of the dangers of proxy support.
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| 12 |
ID:
128229
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The United States military's Combined Joint Task Force - Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA) is in need of capable and dependable regional military allies as it seeks to bring stability to the Horn of Africa. Eritrea - once a proclaimed US friend and home to one of Africa's largest military establishments - superficially seems to fit the bill. Drawing from literature on the 'unprofessional nature' of African militaries as well as the scant amount of open source material available on the notoriously secretive nation, this article argues that despite its experienced and well-funded military, President Isaias Afewerki's overbearing control of it has made Eritrea's military highly 'unprofessional' in various ways. As a result, a military that could be a useful US ally in a historically tenuous region will likely remain more of a problem than a boon for the United States into the foreseeable future.
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| 13 |
ID:
062869
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| 14 |
ID:
089472
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Using fieldwork data collected in Eritrea, Rome, Milan and Stockholm, and supplemented by human rights organisation reports and discussions with key informants in four cities in the UK, this article examines the extent to which the Eritrean national service and its concomitant Warsai-Yikaalo Development Campaign qualify as forced or compulsory labour as defined by the relevant international conventions.
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| 15 |
ID:
053944
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| 16 |
ID:
163052
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| Summary/Abstract |
In issuing and circulating a litany of documents, organisations produce statements with important textual and material qualities and affects. While a discursive analysis focuses on the former, interrogating how language is used, this paper propounds the need to explore the physicality of these objects too and adopts several heuristic devices to do so. First, it outlines how the issuance of certain documents within the refugee regime suppresses within a ‘black box’ the supporting and competing narratives that resulted in their genesis. Second, and relatedly, it considers why particular announcements are capable of catalysing responses that outlive their authors’ finite intentions. Tracing the genealogy of these documents is thus argued to be critical for explaining the persistent and yet unpredictable influence of ideas, interests and pressures on institutional conduct, even long after their proponents have changed tack. By illustrating why greater attention should be paid to the ways that material objects can come to shape organisational behaviour, in this case legal texts, this article complements existing theoretical frameworks used to explain UNHCR’s conduct. This helps explain how, when and why non-legally binding declarations nonetheless came to bind UNHCR’s actions as it attempted to cancel the status of Eritrean refugees in 2002.
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| 17 |
ID:
165764
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| Summary/Abstract |
On 9 July 2018, Ethiopia and Eritrea signed a historical agreement pledging to end their mutual animosity and work for peace. The unprecedented rapprochement was facilitated by the new leadership in Ethiopia, merging interests between the two states and external mediation. This commentary looks into Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali’s early reform initiatives and the dynamics of the rapprochement between Ethiopia and Eritrea.
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| 18 |
ID:
115352
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since independence in the early 1990s, the east African state of Eritrea has been ruled by a self-consciously nationalist and modernising authoritarian regime, which seeks to build an Eritrean national consciousness among the country's 3.5 million people via top-down strategies of intervention in rural communities. These are not limited to the use of cultural interventions intended to revise people's identities. They also take the form of state-led development strategies, including land nationalisation. In a village in highland Eritrea, the residents oppose some of the projects of the state while adopting parts of the national identity proffered to them by the state. The author argues that this case suggests a new way of thinking about the ways in which national identities and nation-states are constructed - one that reconsiders the relationship between nationalism and resistance, and between nation-building elites and communities in resistance.
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| 19 |
ID:
061865
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| 20 |
ID:
094929
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the immediate post-liberation period, Eritrean intellectuals, with the concurrence of the state, showed deep interest in developing archaeological studies and an enhanced capacity to manage heritage resources. Through a focus on the National Museum, this article investigates the ensuing struggles for the control of history and heritage in Eritrea. Originally an initiative of ex-fighters who rendered liberation history in artistic form, the National Museum later came under the authority of the University of Asmara. While other museums involving those who survived displacement and conflict, such as the District Six Museum in Cape Town, often contest the expert authority of intellectuals and invite public participation, the National Museum became an instrument of the state that suppressed public participation. The struggle between the National Museum and the University provides penetrating insights into state hostility towards intellectuals and containment of public education using the media of archaeology and heritage studies, a conflict that prefigured state/university conflicts leading to the dismantling of the University of Asmara.
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