| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
169032
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study provides empirical analysis to show increasing pressures over the Central Bank of Turkey (CBT) throughout the past decade where the CBT gives into such pressures, despite the Central Bank Law, which ensures tool independence. The study suggests that the relations between the government and the CBT reflect recent political changes where the government increased its control over state institutions, following rising costs of losing office. However, this trend not only has economic costs such as a restricted capacity to achieve price stability and sustainable growth but it also limits horizontal accountability of state institutions.
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| 2 |
ID:
157527
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study focuses on the distribution of the costs and benefits of Turkey's urban policy. Since 2002, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government has embraced an ambitious form of capitalism that privatized the benefits of urban transformation while socializing its costs. The government has also adopted populist strategies that enhanced its political support among upper- and lower-income groups and left urban transformation's costs to fall disproportionally on the middle class.
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| 3 |
ID:
111241
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| 4 |
ID:
116890
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
According to popular views, contemporary Turkish politics is defined by the ideological conflict between Islamist and secularist parties. However, the focus on the Islamism versus secularism dichotomy, a common bias in the studies of Muslim countries, disguises a deeper faultline between the old urban elites and the newly rising provincial actors. This article highlights the need to see beyond the 'Islamism-secularism' divide and to consider the complex relations of power between alienated social groups in Turkey. It analyses the intricate and multi-layered forms of 'othering' in the urban secularist discourse, which perpetuates the inequalities and contention in society. Instead of taking the 'Islamism-secularism' divide as given, the article analyses the construction of secularist and Islamic identities and considers how this dichotomous discourse has empowered the urban parties to control the provincial. Finally, implications for the reconciliation of antagonised social groups are presented.
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