| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
133891
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Present paper makes an assessment of Indo-Maldives relationship with special emphasis on China factor in last two years. It is argued that since the controversial ouster of Mohamed Nasheed in Febuary 2012 Maldives' relationship with India has deteriorated in comparison to the previous three decades of constructive engagement. While political instability in Maldives has been a result of the clash of historical and social forces with the new democratic experiment launched in 2008, its fallout for India has come in the form of making latter's negative invocation in domestic political discourse by the rival elites.
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| 2 |
ID:
133893
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Present paper makes an assessment of Indo-Maldives relationship with special emphasis on China factor in last two years. It is argued that since the controversial ouster of Mohamed Nasheed in Febuary 2012 Maldives' relationship with India has deteriorated in comparison to the previous three decades of constructive engagement. While political instability in Maldives has been a result of the clash of historical and social forces with the new democratic experiment launched in 2008, its fallout for India has come in the form of making latter's negative invocation in domestic political discourse by the rival elites.
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| 3 |
ID:
166824
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| Summary/Abstract |
Ever since China came into existence it has made consistent efforts towards slowly and gradually integrating the regions which had potentials to go independent or cede from its mainland government like Tibet, Xinjiang, Hong Kong, Mongolia, and Taiwan. It is endeavouring aggressively to establish its hegemony over the whole of South China Sea. Consequently, it has built as well as building a network of roadways, railways, and airways as per the suitability of the region to integrate with its Han dominated country. According to many experts India’s stand on Tibet Autonomous Region was one of the dominant causes that led to Chinese attack on India, alongside China’s claims in the Aksai Chin and Arunachal Pradesh.
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| 4 |
ID:
183245
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| Summary/Abstract |
Despite the often perceived rigidity of its ideology and inflammatory rhetoric, Iran’s foreign policy is inherently pragmatic while nonetheless moving within the institutionalised frame of its revolutionary discourse. An alternative perspective on the Islamic Republic’s and Persian Gulf relations is offered by analysing Iran’s discursive and practical initiatives of constructive engagement with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries during Hassan Rouhani’s presidency through the Iranian lens. This includes strategies of discursive persuasion and initiatives such as “World Against Violence and Extremism” (WAVE) as well as the “Hormuz Peace Endeavor” (HOPE), both aimed at building confidence and improving Iran’s legitimacy in the region.
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| 5 |
ID:
162117
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| 6 |
ID:
111527
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| 7 |
ID:
181063
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| Summary/Abstract |
From the 1980s, it was clear that a rising China would challenge the interests and core values of the United States and the European Union. Cables and intelligence reports that were recently disclosed reveal numerous warnings about a future Chinese authoritarian pushback. The Western political leadership, however, brushed them aside. While paying lip service to constructive engagement, it was business first. The downside of that policy became clear too. But it took several years for the Western political leadership to recognise it and shift to balancing. Early balancing efforts, though, again seem inconsistent.
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