|
|
|
Sort Order |
|
|
|
Items / Page
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
193548
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The national security realm poses great challenges to senior military officers and civilian officials. These leaders oftentimes attend designated Joint Professional Military Education (JPME) institutions as a prerequisite for their futrue appointments. The article examines how these colleges and universities instill in their graduates the intellectual capacity to effectively engage and solve macro-level and acute strategic challenges as well as employ critical thinking skills to ensure intellectual agility and flexibility. The article compares the Israel National Defense College (INDC) and the National Defense University (NDU) to identify the differences and similarities between the two institutions and explain what it says about the Israeli and the American strategic culture and approach to the future of national security.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
142978
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The rise of China has attracted considerable scholarly attention since the early 1990s. Recent developments in Japan leave no doubt, however, that close attention to Tokyo's changing foreign and security policy also is in order. In a break with tradition, the government of Prime Minister Shinzō Abe's approved in 2014 a new interpretation of Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution, facilitating the shift from basic self-defence to collective self-defence that allows Japan to assume greater regional and global security assertiveness and responsibility. This article examines the trajectory of Japan's security policy transformation, focusing on the causes and nature of this dramatic reorientation. By applying a neoclassical realist framework, the article traces the intricate interplay between shifts in Japan's strategic environment, domestic politics and the security policy decision-making process. Abe and the hawkism he represents will undoubtedly face Herculean hurdles in the future. Still, continued external challenges will inevitably force Tokyo to ‘normalize’ its security policy and shed off the remaining relics of its pacifism and anti-militarism. The article also concludes that the significant inducements driving Japanese security normalization are challenged by powerful domestic opposition. While the process will remain piecemeal rather than revolutionary, the course of Japan's security policy favours continued self-assertion, emancipation and reform.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
145707
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
While the role of honor as a war-generating factor has been widely discussed in International Relations (IR) scholarship, there is insufficient theoretical and empirical research that identifies and conceptualizes the influence of honor on foreign policy decision making. It is the argument of this article that honor plays a dramatic role not only in causing conflicts but also in negotiations to resolve them. To illustrate this point, the article examines the way Israeli Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman's conception of honor shaped Israel's foreign policy toward Turkey following the Mavi Marmara flotilla crisis of May 2010.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
180548
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
ILAI Z. SALTZMAN examines the way grand strategies change by identifying their “life-cycle.” He argues that replacing an existing grand strategy is a multiplayer and decentralized process incorporating the ideational inputs of various actors, and that this process is more chaotic, porous, and nonlinear than we tend to think.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
143619
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Historical analogies, and historical reasoning, enable policy-makers to overcome major fundamental difficulties in the process of crisis decision-making. By employing lessons and conclusions from past experience, leaders believe they can avoid future failures and make better choices. This paper identifies, for the first time, the key analogies David Ben-Gurion and other key Israeli policy-makers employed prior to the eruption of the Sinai War of October 1956 and their reasoning. It demonstrates that Ben-Gurion was highly sensitive to historical occurrences, personal, national and international, and exhibited great inclination to engage the crisis with Egypt according to the lessons he drew from it. The analogical framework explains the timing of the offensive against Egypt and its distinct nature.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 6 |
ID:
193541
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Contemporary debates surrounding emerging military technologies and international security tend to focus exclusively on the technical traits of such capabilities in an attempt to determine if, once operational, they will increase the likelihood of armed conflict in the future or not. This article argues, however, that the race to acquire the natural resources and information that are critical for developing, manufacturing, and operating emerging military technologies had become a major source of global discord and determinately contributed to the contemporary great power competition among the United States, China, and Russia.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 7 |
ID:
118302
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2012.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Despite the initially cordial relationship between the United States and Russia following the September 11, 2001 attacks, the Iraq War became a turning point in what evolved into the worst relationship between Moscow and Washington since the Cold War. From that point onwards, Russia persistently has exhibited aggressive behavior toward the United States, resulting in numerous crises. This article argues that this Russian assertiveness is deliberate, arising from a mixture of domestic and international factors. In light of recent developments in U.S.-Russian relations, especially the decision of American President Barack Obama to abandon the Bush Administration's scheme to deploy national missile defense (NMD) system in Eastern Europe, it is important to understand that Russia's grand strategy is aimed at promoting multipolarity and that Moscow is willing to apply limited military force to achieve its goals. The Obama Administration should engage Russia, but be prepared to confront it if necessary.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 8 |
ID:
114519
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
Lanham, Lexington Books, 2012.
|
| Description |
xxxviii, 327p.Hbk
|
| Standard Number |
9780739170717
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 056782 | 327.112/SAL 056782 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
| 9 |
ID:
111921
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2012.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
In an attempt to increase the legitimacy and traction of soft balancing in contemporary International Relations (IR) scholarship, and in order to rebuff critiques of its applicability, the concept is further clarified and applied to examine American foreign policy vis-à-vis Japan in the interwar period. Analysis reveals that soft balancing is not only a legitimate explanation, but also explains a major historical and theoretical puzzle-American grand strategy vis-à-vis Japan in interwar period-it shows that the concept is also applicable to account for patterns in non-unipolar systems.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|