|
Sort Order |
|
|
|
Items / Page
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Srl | Item |
1 |
ID:
062434
|
|
|
Publication |
New Delhi, Penguin Books India(P) Ltd, 2003.
|
Description |
xiv, 301p.Hbk
|
Standard Number |
159240006X
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
049740 | 658.4012/BOS 049740 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
2 |
ID:
083684
|
|
|
Publication |
2008.
|
Summary/Abstract |
This article considers whether a specifically French 'appeasement' developed among policymakers of the inter-war years and, if so, how various appeasement strategies changed over time. It does so firstly, by attempting to define this French version of appeasement partly by reference to the historiography of French inter-war foreign policy and strategic planning. The article then considers the various impersonal forces that led to changes of course in foreign policy. These include domestic social and political pressures, economic conditions, and the changing strategic balance of power in Europe. The article suggests that French appeasement was neither a constant feature of France's international strategy in the 1930s nor simply a mirror image of its British counterpart. The foundations of French diplomacy, military thinking and strategic outlook were altogether different. By the late 1930s the limitations of actual allies, the recalcitrance of some potential friends, the elusiveness of others, had all provided a powerful fillip to proponents of appeasement, although substantial minorities continued to oppose it. Ultimately, France without a great power ally was a nation compelled to appease
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
3 |
ID:
085119
|
|
|
Publication |
New York, Currency Doubleday, 1996.
|
Description |
xvi, 272p.Pbk
|
Standard Number |
0385267320
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
054062 | 658.4012/SCH 054062 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
4 |
ID:
130079
|
|
|
Publication |
2014.
|
Summary/Abstract |
Artillery modernisation in India implies the largest modernisation of this arm and needs to be given as much, it not more, importance commensurate with the man oeuvre arms it supports. The relevance is more in the Indian context because of the mountainous terrain where it needs to support infantry operations plus in counter insurgency and counter terrorist operations. Unquestionably, artillery units will continue to be used to support the infantry to the benefit at all. It is precisely in these sorts of operation that the new precision of artillery will become more telling and relevant. India has a long way to go in modernising its artillery. Presently, the artillery modernisation plan appears to be stymied. There is an urgent need to provide it an impetus considering the enhanced threat posed to us along a two and a halt front.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
5 |
ID:
164208
|
|
|
Summary/Abstract |
National Security Strategic Planning Documents on the Basic Principles of Russian State Policy in the Field of International Information Security
ON JULY 24, 2018, it was five years since the approval by the president of the Russian Federation in 2013 of a key strategic planning document in the sphere of national security called Basic Principles of State Policy of the Russian Federation in the Field of International Information Security to 2020.1 Ensuring international information security in today's conditions of unprecedented increase in information security threats is of primary importance for achieving national security. This conclusion is confirmed by the provisions of the main strategic planning document in the area of security, the National Security Strategy of the Russian Federation as approved by Presidential Decree No. 683 of December 31, 2015,2 and by a number of other similar documents.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
6 |
ID:
047716
|
|
|
Publication |
Boston, Harvard Business School Press, 2000.
|
Description |
xv, 261p.Hbk
|
Standard Number |
087584877X
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
043702 | 658.4012/EVA 043702 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
7 |
ID:
099391
|
|
|
Publication |
Washington, DC, World Bank, 2009.
|
Description |
xiii, 133p.Pbk
|
Standard Number |
9780821376218
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
055304 | 658.45/CAB 055304 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
8 |
ID:
001215
|
|
|
Publication |
Aldershot, Ashgate, 1998.
|
Description |
v.1(xxii, 353p.)Hardbound
|
Contents |
Vol.1-2
|
Standard Number |
0291398553
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:2/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
040742 | 387.7/HOL 040742 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
040743 | 387.7/HOL 040743 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
9 |
ID:
092681
|
|
|
10 |
ID:
192480
|
|
|
Summary/Abstract |
This article postulates that the ideological factor is regaining significance
in today’s multipolar world (summit of democracies, discourse on traditional
values) and promotes the importance of an ideological and value dialogue
between right-wing conservative forces in Russia (as major proponents of
conservatism) and right-wing forces in Europe.
The aim of the study is to substantiate the adherence of Russia’s domestic
and foreign policies to the conservative value agenda, and to analyze the
right-wing political spectrum of contemporary Europe.
The authors conclude that the values shared by the representatives of
European right-wing movements are close to Russia’s value agenda, which
proves the feasibility of establishing diverse strategic interaction with the
proponents of such ideological views in Europe.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
11 |
ID:
076187
|
|
|
Edition |
5th ed.
|
Publication |
Oxford, Blackwell Publishing, 2005.
|
Description |
xii, 548p.Pbk
|
Standard Number |
1405119993
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
052304 | 658.4012/GRA 052304 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
12 |
ID:
043462
|
|
|
Publication |
DelhI, Vikas Publishing House Pvt. Ltd., 1974.
|
Description |
xiii, 242p.Hbk
|
Standard Number |
0706903072
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
013198 | 658.0450954/SEN 013198 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
13 |
ID:
125355
|
|
|
Publication |
2013.
|
Summary/Abstract |
Already well placed in traditional markets in Asia and Africa, China's warship builders are striving to access new frontiers.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
14 |
ID:
131636
|
|
|
Publication |
2014.
|
Summary/Abstract |
The language of human security has been prominent in the European Union's (EU) official discourse for a number of years. However, whilst it has been promoted as a new approach for the EU in the development of its security and defence policy, the aim of this article is to assess the extent to which it actually features in the EU's contemporary strategic discourse and practice. It seeks to uncover where and how the concept is spoken within the EU's institutional milieu, how it is understood by the relevant policy-makers in the EU and the implication of this across key areas of human security practice. It is argued in the article that human security has not been embedded as the driving strategic concept for Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) in an era of crisis and change in Europe and beyond and that the prospects for this materialising in the near future are rather thin.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
15 |
ID:
047189
|
|
|
Publication |
New York, Palgrave, 2001.
|
Description |
viii, 263p.Hbk
|
Standard Number |
0333949900
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
044921 | 658.049/LAU 044921 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
16 |
ID:
125260
|
|
|
Publication |
2013.
|
Summary/Abstract |
Over the past six decades, the alliance between the Republic of Korea and the United States has become one of the most successful military alliances in history. Numerous strategic changes are anticipated in Northeast Asia over the coming years, including the risk of a military attack by North Korea and a shift in the balance of power. Among multiple factors that contribute to the success of an alliance, one key factor is sharing a common vision of the future since sharing this is crucial to enhance the trust shared today and to reinforce the alliance's capability to respond effectively to any new challenges that may arise. This paper seeks to offer a vision for the ROK-U.S. alliance and make suggestions on how the alliance can develop and improve in the future by trying to forecast changes in the security circumstances surrounding the Korean Peninsula and Northeast Asia until around 2030. As a result, this paper finds the fact that maintaining the ROK-U.S. alliance is the optimal choice for both countries until 2030, despite the various strategic changes in Northeast Asia, including a possible national reunification of the Korean Peninsula and presents a long-term vision for the ROK-U.S. alliance based on this fact and some implementation strategies for this vision.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
17 |
ID:
157895
|
|
|
Summary/Abstract |
Does a great power need to formulate a long-term Grand Strategy to guide its foreign policy actions? While some scholars continue to debate the competing merits of various grand strategies, a growing literature now emphasizes emergent learning and improvisation as the keys to success, as opposed to implementing a long-term design. In this article, I explore these scholarly arguments by framing the debate as one between two schools of thought, Grand Strategy and Emergent Strategy. After presenting the main arguments and the historical examples associated with each school, I evaluate the two approaches across four categories: the type of international security environment each of them is most suited for, the way each approach deals with short-term vs. long-term priorities, the domestic political conditions needed for each approach to be successful, and the type of presidential management qualities each school demands. Lastly, I discuss the implications of these arguments for the scholarship and the practice of foreign policy and national security strategy.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
18 |
ID:
141556
|
|
|
Edition |
1st ed.
|
Publication |
New York, Henry Holt and Company, LLC, 2015.
|
Description |
xi, 319p.hbk
|
Standard Number |
9781627790109
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:1,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location | IssuedTo | DueOn |
058360 | 327.1120951/PIL 058360 | Main | Issued | General | | L043 | 17-Feb-2024 |
|
|
|
|
19 |
ID:
133089
|
|
|
Publication |
2014.
|
Summary/Abstract |
As China accumulates more power, Japan is often overlooked as being capable of affecting China's continued trajectory because of material differences and narratives of Japan being a reactive state. Yet, Beijing's strategic planning cannot ignore Tokyo because Japan has the ability to affect the region's security environment. Feeling its presence and influence becoming relatively smaller, Tokyo has been increasingly proactive in its effort to expand its strategic space and shape the regional environment in ways conducive to its interests. A review of Japan's approach to China since 1972 reveals that it has shifted away from its traditional engagement policy toward first a soft hedge, followed by a harder hedge that continues to this day. Today's mix of partnerships and capabilities enable Japan to complicate China's freedom of action and frustrate its continued rise.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
20 |
ID:
104959
|
|
|
Publication |
2011.
|
Summary/Abstract |
The paper gives reasons for low energy efficiency typical of the Serbian economy, which is based on outdated and dirty technologies. The comparison of selected economic indicators and indicators of energy efficiency in both Serbia and the European Union points out the benefits of the Kyoto Protocol implementation due to the growth of competitiveness in the global market. Serbia has no obligation to reduce GHG emissions, the authors point to the proposals whose implementation along with the mechanisms of the Protocol can enable Serbia the access to markets that trade GHG emissions and the access to dedicated funds, self-financing or attracting foreign investments to raise energy efficiency, which will be accompanied by adequate economic benefits. A similar principle can be applied in all countries that are not obliged to reduce GHG emissions. The application of different mechanisms aiming to increase energy efficiency in Serbia, could contribute to the increase of GDP annual growth rate from 5% to 7%, which cannot be achieved by any other economic instrument. Energy efficiency, which is actually a question of competitiveness of each economy, can finance itself through the mechanisms of the Kyoto Protocol by selling excess emissions resulting from improved energy efficiency.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|