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| 1 |
ID:
112436
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper identifies imaginings since the early 1990s to reposition Yunnan from a peripheral province in the PRC to the centre of various regional constructs which involve territories across the PRC's borders, primarily in what are now known as southeast and south Asia. These narratives, which change over time and between actors, are justified using Yunnan's past linkages with territories along the 'southern silk road' and through a naturalized presentation of its geographical location and characteristics, are based on the premise of good neighbourly relations, and are driven by imperatives of development. They find practical expression in provincial engagement with regional institutions, and in infrastructure and other programmes. However, the imaginings to reposition the province which these narratives spell out are at the same time constrained by the demands of territorial integrity and national security: a desire not to compromise Yunnan's national belonging. The paper concludes by commenting on implications for understanding 'China's borderlands' and their global interactions.
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| 2 |
ID:
112437
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2012.
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This article explores how the Chinese government managed the 2009 Xinjiang riot through communications. To reconcile Western crisis communication concepts with the Chinese case, this study examines the government communications via news conferences during the riot. It finds that government communication functions only at operational and tactical levels but fails to play a strategic role in crisis management. This is so partly because government public relations have not yet been fully institutionalized. It also notes the differences between the government's handling of a political crisis (the Xinjiang riot) and of a natural disaster (the Sichuan earthquake).
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| 3 |
ID:
112438
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2012.
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The large state banks of China-the Bank of China, China Construction Bank, and Industrial and Commercial Bank of China-dominate China's financial sector. Reform of these banks has been a major policy effort of China's government because their financial weaknesses exert a drag on the economy. This reform has led to significant improvements in the large state banks. Nevertheless, they face three recurring problems: limited access to expert knowledge about international finance, non-performing loans, and corruption. These problems are rooted in the network governance of the banks. The Chinese government needs to continue transforming this governance to make the large state banks globally competitive.
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| 4 |
ID:
112433
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2012.
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This paper tries to explore the opportunities for and challenges to forging a partnership between China and the United States in the twenty-first century. It explains why China has become more adamant in protecting its core national interests and argues that China's core concerns over Taiwan, Tibet and Xinjiang should be accommodated as this affects Beijing's trust with Washington. Meanwhile, it argues that the two countries should expand their cooperation in areas of common interests, such as promoting peace, stability and denuclearization on the Korean peninsula; securing strong, sustainable and balanced global economic growth; and creating a new global environmental protection regime. The paper also highlights some of the major challenges to partnership-building between the two countries.
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| 5 |
ID:
112440
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Many scholars have examined how human capital, geography, etc. have shaped patterns of ethnic inequality in China. This paper studies the role the state plays in producing inter-group disparities in China. It discusses the link between the state and minority threat and explains how the linkage produces ethnic variation in entry into the Chinese Communist Party. Data are drawn from two surveys (N = 3,619) on Han Chinese, Hui, and Uyghurs conducted in two Chinese cities in 2001. Controlling for background characteristics removes the Han-Uyghur difference in CCP membership attainment. In contrast, no similar patterns are found when Han Chinese are compared with Hui. This contrast is explained with reference to state reaction to ethnic variation in perceived group threat.
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| 6 |
ID:
112435
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
As China's economic and foreign policies increasingly move away from the country's past socialist ideals, Beijing's attitude towards the DPRK has, in recent years, begun to subtly change. However, the close historic ties that exist between the two ruling communist parties prevent such changes from being overtly publicized in official discourses; criticizing the DPRK in China readily results in serious protests from Pyongyang. The popular perception in China of the DPRK, which is far more critical than the official version, is, on the other hand, hard to hide. In an authoritarian nation where exhibiting sentiments contrary to the party-state's policy is still not a safe and established practice, the Chinese people have increasingly relied on the platform of the Internet to express their views on various aspects of policy, including that towards the DPRK. This makes the Internet a rich resource for academics to gauge down-to-earth public opinion and how it contrasts with the official policy. Drawing on systematic, qualitative research on the online community, this article wishes to explore the possible differences between the written policy of Beijing and popular Chinese perceptions, or consensus if any, towards Pyongyang. The article is written in three parts. The first reviews the relevant literature on Beijing's contemporary policy towards the DPRK, the role of Internet opinions in Chinese foreign policy making, and introduces our methodology. The main part of the article typologizes and analyses the images as perceived by Chinese Internet users of the DPRK, its leaders and polices, as well as Beijing's DPRK policy, in order to highlight the differences between official policies and online opinions. Explanations for the discrepancies with the official line and the possible implications of our findings for China's future policy on the DPRK are discussed in the concluding section. As witnessed from the research, surprisingly, there was relative consensus of opinion among the different available viewpoints towards the DPRK regime, as both the Chinese nationalists and the liberals are likely to pressure Beijing to walk further away from Kim Jong-il in the future.
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| 7 |
ID:
112441
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In China, interprovincial border areas could become a destabilizing source for both social stability and economic development. One of the most typical cases has been that of boundary disputes stemming from inaccurate borderlines between provinces. This article, based on field surveys and relevant official documents, shows that the interprovincial tensions at Lake Weishan have been aggravated by the ambiguity in the interprovincial delimitation, a lack of respect for the rule of law on interprovincial relations, and, to a certain extent, nepotism from both central and provincial governments.
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| 8 |
ID:
112439
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article seeks to explain contradictions that have abounded in China's judicial reform, i.e. the juxtaposition of liberal and authoritarian characteristics. Incompatible phenomena came about because the post-1999 judicial reform has failed to rein in local and departmental resistance in key issue areas. China's national principals accepted the judicial system's policy prescription of administering the country by law, with an aim to reclaim central control over local state agents. However, the national leadership's varying political support to different aspects of judicial reform resulted in uneven outcomes and frustrated the goal of judicial centralization. In order to secure the goal, the national leadership has, since 2006, reinstituted more authoritarian policy imperatives into the existing liberal framework of judicial reform. China's post-1999 judicial reform has therefore oscillated between merit-based professionalism and allegiance-oriented demand. Conceptual incompatibility eventually led to behavioral contradictions and delivered mixed signals.
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| 9 |
ID:
112432
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2012.
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Starting with an almost single-minded emphasis on shared interests to engage China, the Obama administration made a policy adjustment about one year later to shore up US leadership in the Asia-Pacific even if it meant challenging China's core interests. This paper argues that this adjustment was to bring hedge back to shape the regional context of China's rise. While the precipitating cause for the shift was China's newly founded assertiveness during the global financial downturn, the deep cause was the US anxiety about China's great power aspiration in the twenty-first century. The policy adjustment, however, was not to contain China's rise because a full-out confrontation against China would be self-defeating. It was a return to a centralist approach to engage China from a position of strength rather than weakness.
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| 10 |
ID:
112434
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The September 2010 collision between a Chinese fishing boat and a Japanese coast guard ship showed the ambiguities in American policy on the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands. On the one hand, Washington has said that it takes no position on the sovereignty of the islands; on the other, it is bound by the terms of the US-Japan security treaty to defend the islands. In a larger context, the incident highlighted a geopolitical dilemma for Japan: how to position itself between a rising China and a United States that seems to be in a state of decline. China, on the rise, seems to be testing its role with regard to the other two powers. The United States, which also sees itself in decline, is asking similar questions. The waxing and waning power of Russia exerts additional counter-pressures.
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