Srl | Item |
1 |
ID:
058507
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2 |
ID:
064553
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3 |
ID:
058711
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4 |
ID:
171080
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Summary/Abstract |
This study explores the domestic determinants of China’s intervention in the Korean War. Since the war, scholars have produced a large number of studies on the motivations behind China’s intervention in the war. These previous studies paid scant attention to domestic aspects, all of them assuming, albeit implicitly, that Party leaders could readily harness all available domestic resources and devote them to their political ends and that the public was willing to sacrifice their material resources and lives in order to satisfy the leaders’ political goals. By contrast, this study, based on extensive newly unearthed archival documents, argues that very unfavorable domestic circumstances helped shape the CCP’s strategy both before and after the outbreak of the Korean War. The domestic challenges not only provided the rationale for the CCP’s opposition to Kim Il-Sung’s Korean War plan before June 1950 but also gave an internal impetus for China’s vacillation in decision making and affected Mao’s final proactive decision to enter the war in October 1950.
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5 |
ID:
078843
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Publication |
2007.
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Summary/Abstract |
Democratic domestic governance has become a global constitutive norm. The fully socialized, "normal" state in international society is now expected either already to be democratic or embarked upon a democratization trajectory. But in China, the ruling Communist Party (CCP) rejects this norm and vows to construct an authoritarian new "political civilization" superior to democracy. Supportive Party intellectuals contend that most of the constitutive norms asserted to be global are actually manifestations of Western ideational power. CCP elites argue the impossibility of a global culture beyond the agency of states, which they regard as the ontologically primary actors in world politics. China's rise-its rapid increase in comprehensive national power-affords these elites the material and ideational resources they need to resist reconstitution by global democratic norms. Their efforts will probably keep the international society of states significantly pluralist (in the English School sense) well into the future
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6 |
ID:
017504
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Publication |
May-June 2000.
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Description |
130-158
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7 |
ID:
181923
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Summary/Abstract |
This brief essay meditates on the advent of the ideal of horizontal social relations, exemplified in the early CCP years in the political term, “comrade” (tongzhi). It takes up Qu Qiubai as exemplary of a Marxist political thinker whose commitments to horizontality/comrade relations can be illustrated through his theories of literature, translation and language. It proposes that despite Xi Jinping's recent rhetorical admonishments to re-activate “comrade” as a political term, it is the LGBTQ community's appropriation of “comrade” in contemporary China that actually holds the potential for a substantive reanimation of the utopian ideals begun a century ago.
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8 |
ID:
171029
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Summary/Abstract |
Scholars have long identified the pivotal importance of business-led governance in the Hong Kong and Macau Special Administrative Regions (SAR) of China. Both are governed under a “one country, two systems” arrangement which in theory provides autonomy. However, this identical formula has resulted in very different trajectories, as the coalition in Hong Kong has failed to serve as an effective intermediary between the state and society amidst a series of governing crises, whereas the one in Macau has been largely successful in maintaining political stability. This article argues that a new class of elites in Macau has emerged and competes for political influence by building communal networks and mobilizing social support. In contrast, a relatively static elite structure in Hong Kong has done little to adapt to changing political circumstances.
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9 |
ID:
023104
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Publication |
Autumn 2002.
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Description |
563-578
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10 |
ID:
061763
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Publication |
Apr-Jun 2005.
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11 |
ID:
057941
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12 |
ID:
064550
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