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| 1 |
ID:
128073
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Oslo accords have been the subject of considerable debate ever since the
first agreement was signed in 1993. Most of the literature on the agreements
has dealt with their impact on the occupied territories (e.g. the growth of
settlements, the separation barrier, restrictions on movement), to the near
exclusion of the situation inside the Green Line. This essay, by contrast, focuses
on Oslo's consequences with regard to the status of the Palestinian citizens of
Israel, and the way that the conflict is conceptualized by Israeli Jewish society.
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| 2 |
ID:
019751
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| Publication |
Summer 2001.
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| Description |
134-145
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| 3 |
ID:
126578
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Civil society organizations are considered to be one of the most important sectors in Palestinian society, playing a vital and effective role in initiating democratic and developmental debate. Both historically and more recently, they have been considered one of the most important channels for popular participation, especially in the 1980s and the period preceding the establishment of the Palestinian Authority (PA).
A broad debate exists over the definition of civil society, its role and the scope of its work. It centers around the historic and philosophical context of civil society's work, specifically in Palestine, where its institutions appeared before those of the government sector, because it acted for many years as a foundation for the national struggle, providing basic and important services as part of Palestinian resistance and steadfastness.
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| 4 |
ID:
052723
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| 5 |
ID:
020062
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| Publication |
2001.
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| Description |
p31-46
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| 6 |
ID:
178796
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| Summary/Abstract |
Tasked with selecting two documents specifically related to Israel and the Israeli settler-colonial enterprise from the fifty-year JPS archive, author Gadi Algazi settles on “History’s Verdict: The Cherokee Case” (1995) by Norman Finkelstein and “The Palestinians Seen through the Israeli Cultural Paradigm” (1987) coauthored by Aziz Haidar and Elia Zreik. While the former points to the historical affinities between the Zionist colonization of Palestine and the settlement of North America (including early Zionists’ unabashed identification with the “white” colonizers of the continent), the latter elucidates Israel’s “culturalist account” of Palestinians, which views the main problem with Palestinians in Israel as their “culture,” and not the colonization, repression, and exclusion they experienced historically and continue to endure.
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| 7 |
ID:
129895
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| 8 |
ID:
161214
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| Summary/Abstract |
I spent the summer of 1993 traveling across Canada and the United States with my husband and two young children. The PC was still in its infancy, and the smartphone hadn’t yet made its debut. In other words, news was not easily accessible from the wilds of Yosemite or the shores of Lake Louise in the Canadian Rockies, and so we made our way across North America happily oblivious to developments back home. That is, until we stopped at a roadside café in late July and saw a newspaper with a glaring headline about “Operation Accountability,” otherwise known as the Seven-Day War with Lebanon. Our hearts sank as we read about yet another round in the cycle of violence that marks the Israeli-Arab conflict.
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| 9 |
ID:
161221
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| 10 |
ID:
161220
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| 11 |
ID:
091996
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article examines the key development in Palestinian politics in the post-Arafat era, including the decision of Hamas to participate in the democractic political process. Even though the issue of succession was settled with much more ease then expected, the divisions within the Palestinian movement came to the fore with the electoral victory of Hamas in the January 2006 legislative elections.The subsequent power struggle between fatah and Hamas completely fragmented the palestinian community.
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| 12 |
ID:
051845
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| Publication |
Spring 2004.
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| Summary/Abstract |
American foreign aid has been essential for both cementing and sustaining efforts to resolve the Arab-Israeli conflict since the 1970s. During the Oslo process, aid was designed primarily to build public constituencies to support the negotiations. However, aid quickly became a bandage for a deteriorating Palestinian economy weighed down by corruption, damaged by violence, and stifled by Israeli closures. Rather than serve its original purpose, aid became a crutch for an unsteady process that collapsed following the 2000 Camp David summit. Unlike in other Arab-Israeli negotiations, where aid has been more effective, the Oslo process highlights the limits of foreign aid as an instrument of statecraft
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| 13 |
ID:
060942
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| 14 |
ID:
084082
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In Norway, the secret negotiations culminating in the 1993 Oslo agreement are still seen as a shining moment in the nation's history, so when the files of the entire process were discovered to be missing from government archives, a minor public scandal erupted. After laying out the Oslo "myth" and its cast of characters, the author recounts the story of the disappearance of the files, new revelations concerning their scope, and the (thus far unsuccessful) quest to recover them. The author concludes by exploring the implications of the backchannel negotiations for the entire Oslo process and its lessons for conflict resolution, particularly third-party mediation in highly asymmetrical conflicts.
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| 15 |
ID:
056999
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| 16 |
ID:
017520
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| Publication |
Spring/Summer 2000.
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| Description |
177-199
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