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ID:
112960
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
By virtue of its very small local population and its extremely high level of oil and gas resources, Qatar simply does not face the socio-economic or political pressures coursing through the region. Uniquely, it has embraced the Arab uprisings as an opportunity, rather than a challenge, to cement its international (Western) reputation, albeit at the expense of some of its regional relationships.
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| 2 |
ID:
112956
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Arab Spring has entered its second year, and the course of events has vividly proved the predictions of analysts. The process, which started quite accidentally in Tunisia in December 2010, has triggered fundamental changes. These changes will transform the political landscape of the Middle East and make people take a new look at the world. The era, which opened with the fall of communism and the disintegration of the Soviet Union 20 years ago, is over, and a new era is unfolding before our eyes. The essence of the new era is yet unclear. There are more unknown than known variables in this equation for Russia and the rest of the world.
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| 3 |
ID:
112966
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2012.
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Ukraine is always said to be at a "crossroads." It has so many existential dilemmas of national identity and foreign policy direction. But this time its partners are demanding answers and its options really are narrowing. It is in danger of becoming a dysfunctional semi-autocracy and a double periphery rather than a mutual neighborhood.
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| 4 |
ID:
112967
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2012.
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After gaining independence, Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan have been plagued by wars and ethnic conflicts, they have lost transport links, and government agencies have collapsed. Yet the respective political regimes have had diverse fates: although the starting points and international situation were similar when they launched their policies, the outcome is fairly different.
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| 5 |
ID:
112962
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2012.
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At this point the ambitious Eurasian project promising to unite Russia, Kazakhstan, and Belarus into a single economic space is not so much an attempt to generate an original economic model and, consequently, an economic strategy, but rather is an attempt to integrate into an intensive exchange of commodities between the EU and Asia by offering a shorter route for cargo shipments.
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| 6 |
ID:
112968
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| Publication |
2012.
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Closed borders between Armenia and Azerbaijan, Armenia and Turkey, as well as the absence of functional relations between Russian and Georgia, severely hamper the full potential of the region.
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| 7 |
ID:
112961
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2012.
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What we observe in Turkey is the emergence of a middle power with an ambitious leader that may sometimes overjudge his own powers, but aiming to enhance the power position of his country during a period of a major world economic crisis and rapidly changing circumstances.
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| 8 |
ID:
112958
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The tight knot of contradictions surrounding the Iranian nuclear program and Tehran's policy in general has affected so profound international policies that any attempt to cut it may blow up peace already in the short term, and not only in the Greater Middle East.
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| 9 |
ID:
112970
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Hostilities between Armenia and Azerbaijan were terminated in 1994, but the sides remain divided over the status of Nagorno-Karabakh. Baku argues, with reliance on European practices, that the sole way towards reconciliation between the two neighboring peoples lies in the self-determination of Nagorno-Karabakh as part of Azerbaijan and the highest degree of self-government granted to it.
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| 10 |
ID:
112959
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2012.
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Russia should step over its prejudices and take a look at today's Iran as its serious and long-term partner in the region - not at the declarative level, but at the level of action. Such attempts have been made from time to time, but now and then they are interrupted - out of the wrong fear to anger the Americans.
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| 11 |
ID:
112969
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The main and only goal of conventional deterrence, used by the Armenian parties, and political containment, owed largely to the positions of the international community and influential external actors, is to maintain stability and fragile peace in the zone of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.
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| 12 |
ID:
112963
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Entire generations of people born in the former Soviet Union would wholeheartedly support unification, but a logical question arises: With whom are we going to unite? A country that has assimilated the worst from Western capitalism, rampant with xenophobia and domestic racism, and which is suffering from a demographic and technological decline? A country whose economy is controlled by the mafia and oligarchs?
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| 13 |
ID:
112957
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
A power resource (a component of power) is important not by itself but when applied to circumstances where it can be used, or to a specific form of relations between states. The component of power that plays the key role in specific relations is viewed as the key indicator, and a new balance of power can be defined on its basis.
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| 14 |
ID:
112964
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| Publication |
2012.
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Russia and China make up the backbone of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. Equating the ongoing search for a positive balance of Russian and Chinese interests with an incessant tug of war for asserting one's hegemony would be a biased conclusion that would be contrary to the way the SCO is organized and functions.
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| 15 |
ID:
112965
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The irony of history is that it was Lukashenko - a fighter against nationalism and a politician who promised to restore the Soviet Union - who became, in a sense, the founding father of the modern independent Belarusian state. Even within the framework of quasi-Soviet national ideology, pro-European attitudes in Belarus keep growing.
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