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ID:
113614
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
New works give us glimpses into North Korea, yet little of this translates to how the government frames issues or sees the outside world. In particular, we know little about Pyongyang's nuclear ambitions. This paper proposes data mining using automated content analysis-computer software to analyzes text-to track trends in North Korean rhetoric. Using daily news reports from the Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) for 2010 provides an empirical basis for making claims on how Pyongyang attempts to frame nuclear issues. This paper suggests that North Korea largely identifies nuclear issues with the United States in contrast to the other parties in the Six Party talks. Furthermore, references to nuclear issues, as well as to Kim Jong Un, are remarkably absent during the two major military actions of 2010 (the Cheonan sinking and the shelling of Yeonpyeong island).
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| 2 |
ID:
113615
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This report presents cartographic evidence of the government of the Republic of China's (ROC) change of attitude from denying to asserting sovereignty over the Diaoyutai Islands in the early 1970s. Scholars have hinted that China kept silent about the Japanese claim on the Diaoyutai Islands since its 1895 annexation. As cartographic evidence in this report reveals, however, the ROC did not keep silent. By not including the Diaoyutai Islands in its official cartographic productions, the ROC admitted that the Diaoyutai Islands were not part of its territory. This has significant implications for the ROC because Japan exerts its claim over the islands not only on the terra nullius principle, but also on the fact that Taiwan viewed these islands as non-ROC territory until the 1970s. Today, Taiwan continues to exert the claim that it has owned these islands since ancient times. Our cartographic evidence suggests difficulties for Taiwan in defending its claim in this longstanding battle.
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| 3 |
ID:
113616
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The main objectives of this article are to examine the evolution of Japan's China policy in a power shift to the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) and to provide theoretical explanations for the evolution. The DPJ government showed accommodating postures toward China, and such postures derived from the DPJ leaders' particular preferences and perceptions as well as the party's aspiration for legitimating its power formation against the previous government. At the same time, political and security linkages with Washington constituted the baseline for Japan's evolving diplomatic intercourses with China. Neoclassical realism, which integrates domestic political factors with systemic political configurations, can provide valuable insights for explaining major aspects in the evolution of Japan's China policy.
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