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| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
148604
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| Summary/Abstract |
This essay examines the discourse on Palestine/Israel in the 2016 U.S. presidential campaign, charting the impact of the Palestine rights movement on the domestic U.S. policy debate. Policy analyst, author, and long-time activist Phyllis Bennis notes the sea change within the Democratic Party evident in the unprecedented debate on the issue outside traditionally liberal Zionist boundaries. The final Democratic platform was as pro-Israel and anti-Palestinian as any in history, but the process of getting there was revolutionary in no small part, Bennis argues, due to the grassroots campaign of veteran U.S. senator Bernie Sanders. Bennis also discusses the Republican platform on Israel/Palestine, outlining the positions of the final three Republican contenders. Although she is clear about the current weakness of the broad antiwar movement in the United States, Bennis celebrates its Palestinian rights component and its focus on education and BDS to challenge the general public's “ignorance” on Israel/Palestine.
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| 2 |
ID:
161894
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| Summary/Abstract |
These memoirs of the AAUG by one of its leaders, and a former president, focus on its shortcomings, as well as the role of women within the organization. It also addresses the issues of secular Arab nationalism and the more recent phenomena of Islamophobia.
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| 3 |
ID:
178795
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| Summary/Abstract |
Despite its military, diplomatic, and economic power, Israel’s regime of military occupation, settler colonialism, and apartheid still views the nonviolent, Palestinian-led global Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) movement as a “strategic threat” to its system of injustice, waging a protracted war against the movement accordingly. This essay aims to contextualize Israel’s war on BDS by examining the movement’s origins, principles, impact, and theory of change. It analyzes the most critical challenges BDS is facing and its most promising strengths, especially its balancing of ethical principles with strategic effectiveness and its intersectional approach to the struggle for Palestinian freedom, justice, and equality.
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| 4 |
ID:
113993
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The language may be deceptively conciliatory but the meaning of the BDS message is of intransigence. The rhetoric of this movement conceals a programme of 'resistance', a call to destabilize the status quo through unremitting public agitation over a long period. It rejects the premises of the Oslo agreements including the possibility of a negotiated peace with Israel or any form of reconciliation, and its message combines anti-Semitism with anti-Zionism. The movement is all the more dangerous because under the guise of a quest for justice its advocates skilfully conceal the strategic objective of isolating and destroying the Jewish state and perhaps also Jews who individually and collectively identify with the State of Israel.
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| 5 |
ID:
166902
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| Summary/Abstract |
German organizations are among the last Palestine solidarity groups in Europe to have embraced the call for Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS), launched in 2005. Pro-Israel German groups have been quick to respond with aggressive rhetoric equating a BDS-favorable stance with Nazism. The vilification of the movement has had the unintended consequence of inserting BDS into German politics, both at federal and local levels. Select case studies show that the BDS debate in Germany has developed somewhat differently than in other European countries, and that religious discourse is significant in shaping attitudes to Israel and Palestine. While the Palestine solidarity movement tends to single out the “Anti-Germans”—a pro-Israel formation that grew out of the Left after the reunification of Germany—as the major culprit, it is in fact conservative Christian, mostly Evangelical, organizations that are largely responsible for discouraging BDS activism.
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| 6 |
ID:
142750
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| 7 |
ID:
113992
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
There are several paradoxes in the propaganda war against Israel. The most puzzling of them perhaps would be the way many Christian groups and churches side with the Palestinians. On the evidence one would expect the opposite. Believing Christians have every logical reason to be pro-Israel, where alone in the Middle East Christendom's holy sites are protected; where Christians may pray openly; and where Christian followers face no pressures to convert. On the Palestinian side none of those freedoms exist. How in that case can one explain groups like the Presbyterians, the World Council of Churches, Christian Aid and so forth aiming their missiles at the Jewish state? Bringing together religious doctrine, life-preserving motives and naked bias, this article seeks to provide answers to the paradox of Christianity against Christian-friendly Israel.
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| 8 |
ID:
138331
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| Summary/Abstract |
From March 21 to 24, the pro-Israel, pro-peace lobby J Street held its fifth national conference in Washington, DC, attended by 3,000 participants. The status of the Israel-Palestine question was vastly different from the last time the group had assembled in 2013, and the gathering’s tenor and many of the messages delivered there were quite unlike those which had characterized past conferences.
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| 9 |
ID:
177575
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement, a Palestinian-led anti-Israel international campaign, seems necessary to many ‘progressive’ activists, especially from the radical left. However, it promotes antisemitism through boycotting; legitimisation of terrorism through whitewashing; the destruction of Israel via support for the Palestinian ‘right of return’; and acceptance of antisemitic anti-Zionism by associating Jews, all Jews, with Israel.
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| 10 |
ID:
172908
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| Summary/Abstract |
In response to growing Palestine solidarity activism globally—and particularly in countries that have been traditional allies of Israel—the Israeli government has launched a well-resourced campaign to undermine such efforts. A key element of this campaign consists in equating Palestine advocacy; the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) movement; and anti-Zionism with anti-Semitism. The concerted effort to delegitimize solidarity with the Palestinians is taking place even as genuine anti-Semitism is on the rise, thanks to the resurgent white nationalism of the Far Right in Europe and North America—political forces that Israel is harnessing to help shield from scrutiny and accountability its apartheid policies toward Palestinians, both citizens of the state as well as those under military rule. In its efforts to conflate anti-Zionism with anti-Semitism, the Israeli government is assisted by non-state organizations that nonetheless enjoy close ties with the state and its agencies.
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| 11 |
ID:
190049
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| Summary/Abstract |
A new wave of antisemitism has lately emerged, mostly directed against the Jewish state of Israel. It justifies itself with a new formulation that obfuscates Jew-hatred and its main bearers are Western left-oriented academics. A worrying fact is the large number of Jewish intellectuals, among them Israelis, who support such positions. This reflects the deepening ideological differences in present-day Jewry with regard to the Jewish state and its characteristics, an issue that is insufficiently addressed.
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| 12 |
ID:
180228
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Journal of Palestine Studies is celebrating fifty years of uninterrupted publication as the journal of record on Palestinian affairs since its founding in 1971. Historian, book author, and Columbia University’s Edward Said Chair of Middle East Studies, Rashid Khalidi, has been at the helm as editor for almost two decades. In this article, he reflects on the Journal’s role in knowledge production on Palestine from a number of vantage points: the situation that obtained at the Journal’s founding when Palestinians simply did not have “permission to narrate” their own story in the Western public sphere; the evolution of the academic universe in the United States and its eventual embrace of disciplines, such as race, gender, Indigenous, and Palestine studies, once considered marginal or fringe; and the concomitant and virulent Zionist campaign to tar speech critical of Israel and the Zionist project with the brush of anti-Semitism, whether in the media, politics, or academia.
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| 13 |
ID:
177573
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article explores the evolution of Bedouin international advocacy and discourse within UN human rights bodies, starting with the first in 1998 to present. It demonstrates that during the last two decades, Bedouin international advocacy in UN bodies was carried out by various NGOs with differing agendas. The discourse on Bedouin issues was co-opted by national and foreign NGOs, some of which possessed clear anti-Israeli views. Parallel to the increasing volume of Bedouin international involvement, their issues became an asset in the overall efforts to de-legitimise Israel. The Bedouin’s harsh living conditions and ongoing land conflict with the state assisted in portraying Israel as an apartheid state.
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| 14 |
ID:
164325
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article reviews the writings of post-Zionist, neo-Marxist Israeli academics, and the way they have contributed to blurring the line between legitimate criticism of Israeli policies and actions and classical and/or new forms of anti-Semitism. By way of doing so, it will describe the paradigmatic shift in the social sciences and humanities that has given rise to the phenomenon of academic anti-Semitism; analyse the writings of neo-Marxist Israeli scholars with an emphasis on anti-Semitic themes in their writings; and look at the extra-mural criticisms made by Israeli academics and the unwillingness of many universities to confront them.
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| 15 |
ID:
138323
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| 16 |
ID:
126923
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
As we marked the 45th anniversary of the occupation this June, I would support any effective nonviolent strategy that will end the occupation of the West Bank and lead to the establishment of a viable Palestinian state in the West Bank, Gaza and East Jerusalem, with mutually agreed-upon land swaps - what is known as a two-state solution based on the 1967 borders - which I believe is in the genuine interest of both the Israeli and the Palestinian peoples.
If BDS (Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions), clearly a nonviolent tactic, could produce such a result, I would support it. To borrow Shakespeare's formulation, "To BDS or not to BDS, that is the question." To my mind, the primary problem with BDS is that it won't work. It will not produce the desired result of ending the occupation.
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