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| 1 |
ID:
139223
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper discusses how geopolitical visions from an earlier century are being reanimated in certain quarters of the political, intellectual, and military elite in the United States in order to frame recent shifts in China's status in the international system. However, these deterministic geopolitical lenses – like the historical antecedents they draw on – are misconceived and counter-productive, missing the sophistication and fluidity of world politics. It is suggested here that such reductionist geopolitical categories instead work to narrow the space for mutual understanding and deny the multiple versions of power and sovereignty in the world today.
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| 2 |
ID:
154651
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| Summary/Abstract |
North Korea has already begun the process of transition, the patterns of which will be determined by the elites' choice. System transition in North Korea may unfold in one of two ways: gradual transition, with the maintenance of the Suryong (supreme leader) system of communist power and acceptance of the market economy for the well-being of the people; or radical transition accompanied by sudden political change, which may lead to conflict between competitive elite groups before Kim Jong-un has time to solidify his hold on leadership. Which path will North Korea follow? In the era of Kim Jong-un, everything depends on the competition between the party elite and military elite.
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| 3 |
ID:
114031
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In Fall 2010, the last group of students enrolled in the Russian Military Academy of the General Staff (MAGS). This important military educational institution, which has existed in some form or another for almost two centuries, will cease to exist as an academy in 2012. This research note provides a description of graduates of the MAGS, utilizing survey data collected between 2000 and 2008. This data revealed key sociodemographic characteristics of MAGS students as well as service motivations and value sets.
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| 4 |
ID:
133246
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article addresses the social and political implications of wartime and post-war resource capture in South Sudan. It argues that predation by armed groups during the second civil war (1983-2005) initiated a process of dominant class formation, and demonstrates how, through various strategies of resource capture and kinship networks, commanders from the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) and other factions formed a new aristocracy - a "dominant class" that thinks of itself as "the best". Drawing on Marcel Mauss's analysis of 'gifts', it describes how commanders, through gifts of bridewealth and wives to their subordinates, formed a lower stratum of followers that strengthened their position. After the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, the military elite in power has maintained this lower stratum through the deployment of nepotistic and clientelist networks. The article discusses three modes through which the elite has sought to distinguish itself, showing how the elite has used the lower stratum to demonstrate its prestige and influence in the post-war period, and how the elite's ostentation and widespread corruption have triggered popular resentment in which old ethnic enmities sometimes resurface.
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