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ID:
112487
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The scope of the present global financial crisis is comparable to that of the 1930s. Public policies responding to each have been very different, however. The large macroeconomic response of the past three years has averted a new Great Depression, but regulation of the financial sector has been much softer than in the 1930s. This is partly due to financial globalization that extends beyond the capacities of national regulators. Macroeconomic antidepression measures have created new realities: the rise of indebted states. The sovereign crisis imposes market discipline on states while, conversely, states are too weak to impose regulatory discipline on markets. New modes of supranational regulation and a new ethics of the public interest are necessary for a new era of balanced prosperity.
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| 2 |
ID:
112489
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Turkish politics experienced a major political realignment in 2002, when the Justice and Development Party came to power. This essay investigates the levels of trust in political institutions at this turning point of Turkish political life and by using the 2001 World Values Survey assesses the relative impacts of religion, economics, and political performance on that trust. Empirical results show that Turkish citizens lost a great deal of confidence in political institutions during the 1990s. Statistical analysis indicates that people's evaluation of political performance has the largest impact on political confidence, whereas religiosity has the least impact.
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| 3 |
ID:
112488
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Egypt's revolution has produced odd results. President Hosni Mubarak was replaced in 2011 by the military, which plans to stay in office until 2013. The interim government has been trying to reconcile the differing demands of young revolutionaries and emerging political parties. It has been struggling to deal with an ailing economy and deteriorating security. Although the goal is to transfer power to a democratically elected government, building an infrastructure for sustainable democratic institutions has been slow, messy, and difficult. Youth are disappointed in the outcome of their efforts to reform the country, fearing that the demands that triggered the revolution may not be met.
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| 4 |
ID:
112485
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
As a result of the wars undertaken in Iraq and Afghanistan by the George W. Bush administration, the United States has taken on a responsibility to reconstruct the political and economic institutions of these countries. This responsibility has been carried out through provincial reconstruction teams that operate at the local level to rebuild the societies shattered by war. In conceptual terms, the responsibility increasingly reflects the new emphasis on reconstruction and stabilization operations laid out in the State Department's 2011 Quadrennial Defense and Development Review, which sets the groundwork for future interventions both to prevent states from failing and to rebuild states devastated by war or natural disaster. The ambitious nature of this strategy suggests a new age of American imperialism under which the "responsibility to protect" of the 1990s may become the "responsibility to fix" of the twenty-first century.
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| 5 |
ID:
112490
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This essay provides an account of the phenomenon of corruption in the Balkan and Arab countries of the Mediterranean. The analysis focuses on the effects that the political system-approached through the lens of political rights-and the level of economic development have on corruption. These factors are of critical importance for analyzing the scale of corruption in the region and should form the core of any anticorruption strategies.
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| 6 |
ID:
112486
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Obama administration touts the reset policy with Russia as one of its signal achievements in foreign policy. One of the key elements of its argument is Russia's help with Iran. Upon closer inspection it appears, however, that this support is tenuous and limited. Indeed, we may have reached the end of the line in terms of Russian support for the United States regarding Iranian proliferation of nuclear weapons. Though Russia clearly opposes Iranian nuclearization, it does not regard this as nearly as great a threat as does the United States, and the evidence is quite compelling that Russia sees Iran as a partner against the United States and that the US concessions made to Russia to elicit support against Iran appear to have been excessive.
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