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| 1 |
ID:
114607
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The emergence of naval power amongst the littoral states of the Straits
of Malacca has provided them with increasingly capable and self-reliant
naval capabilities. This naval build-up can be attributed to the growing
importance of vital sea-lines of communication due to the increased
reliance on seaborne trade and other reasons, such as the perceived need
to achieve a balance of power amongst states in the region. These
enhanced naval capabilities have the added bene?t of improving homeland security and maritime estate management, and helping to develop
security alliance relationships. Furthermore, the ability of the littoral
states to secure the Straits of Malacca has minimised the role of US and
other extra-regional navies, giving the states involved greater ?exibility
in an era of growing strategic rivalry between the US and China.
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| 2 |
ID:
123485
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| 3 |
ID:
132131
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Maritime security in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) is a central issue for regional and extra-regional actors. Traditional and non-traditional security challenges largely converge at sea as they impact economic, environmental, energy, human, food and national security. As the major regional power and an emerging Asian great power, India's willingness and capacity to provide strategic leadership is critical to engendering a cooperative spirit of shared destiny. India's growing naval capabilities indicate a strong commitment to maritime security. However, its strategic policy ambiguity and lack of transparency undermines trust and confidence. Allegations of civil-military dissonance and the lack of political will for reform raises questions about strategic competence. India's willingness and capacity for cooperative regional security leadership presents regional risks. The new Indian government is presented with significant challenges to reform domestic politico-bureaucratic-military arrangements in order to enhance external and internal consistency and credibility, and improve openness and coherency.
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| 4 |
ID:
130343
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| 5 |
ID:
115424
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| 6 |
ID:
122599
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Against the backdrop of China's growing assertiveness on sovereign and strategic interests in the
South China Sea, territorial disputes in this resource-rich sea area have re-emerged among the
claimants, including some ASEAN members. Vietnam in particular has been increasingly concerned
about China's expanding physical presence and assertive, sometimes aggressive, actions to manage
natural resources. Vietnam strives to check China's rise not by "containing" the country using military
options, but to place the issue on the agenda of ASEAN-centered multilateral dialogue frameworks
and achieve a breakthrough by making use of the collective diplomatic power of ASEAN, and as
appropriate, the engagement of countries outside of the region. Furthermore, Vietnam endeavors to
strengthen its hedging against the rise of China by carefully forging closer ties with the US. The
Philippines, too, increasingly views China's movements with caution, and is reinforcing its ASEANcentered diplomatic activities as well as promoting security cooperation with the US. In contrast,
Malaysia has not made any notable moves other than modernizing its naval capabilities. Indonesia,
as the ASEAN Chair in 2011, was proactive in conducting multilateral talks by hosting a series of
ASEAN-related meetings. ASEAN members are expected to continue to pursue multi-dimensional
diplomacy toward the peaceful settlement of disputes. The challenge will be how ASEAN will be able
to maintain its unity.
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