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| 1 |
ID:
019517
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| Publication |
April 2001.
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| Description |
174-195
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| 2 |
ID:
185064
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| Publication |
DelhI, Macmillan Education India Pvt Ltd, 2022.
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| Description |
viii, 284p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
9789354551765
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 060171 | 327.101/MAH 060171 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 3 |
ID:
103414
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| 4 |
ID:
146456
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| Summary/Abstract |
The demise of the Doha round of trade negotiations is often attributed to deadlocks in agricultural negotiations between the developed and the developing world. Why has agriculture been so difficult to negotiate? This article explains North-South agricultural negotiations through the lens of coalition politics, especially the shift from bloc to issue-based diplomacy from the developing world. We argue against the proposition in the negotiation literature that multiple coalitions at the international level allow negotiators room to maneuver. Our study shows that bloc coalitions in fact allowed for compromise more than issue-based coalitions in agriculture, which are often supported by strong domestic constituencies. Empirically, the article focuses on the Uruguay Round when the North and South struck an agreement on agriculture and the Doha Round, which remains deadlocked. The article also provides an in-depth case study of India’s agricultural interests and its food security program in the context of the WTO.
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| 5 |
ID:
090426
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
As part of the Doha Development Agenda, many members of the World Trade Organization and, in particular, its director-general have actively promoted the so-called Aid for Trade initiative. Rather than offer a comprehensive account of this initiative, the purpose here is to consider its implications for proposals to fill in the WTO's "missing middle," that is, for suggestions to develop the WTO's non-negotiating, nonjuridical, deliberative functions.
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| 6 |
ID:
019878
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| Publication |
Aug 25, 2001.
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| Description |
3226-3232
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| 7 |
ID:
071696
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| 8 |
ID:
136049
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article views the history of the Group of 77 through the lens of its relations with unctad’s establishment in 1964, its unsuccessful struggle for the nieo in the 1970s, and the subsequent loosening of ties. The debt crisis of the 1980s, the Uruguay Round negotiations, and the arrival of the wto are seen as crucial forces unravelling the previously close links. Growing differentiation among developing countries and the changing leadership of the G77 are also cited as important influences on its current relationship with unctad.
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| 9 |
ID:
066703
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| 10 |
ID:
049913
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| Publication |
New York, Council on Foreign Relations, Inc., 2001.
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| Description |
vi, 35p.
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| Contents |
Report on an Independent Task Force Sponsored by the Council on Foreign Relations
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| Standard Number |
0876092849
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 045785 | 337.51073/HOR 045785 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 11 |
ID:
146455
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| Summary/Abstract |
Negotiators expect the World Trade Organization (WTO) to be an arena for states to pursue their material gain. However, the WTO also reflects symbolic aspects of international politics, in particular the notion of multilateralism. Although such a principle, in part, expresses Western dominance, Global South states have also benefited from multilateral regimes, and thus have incentives to legitimize them and behave according to their rules. Will the pattern of multilateralism change as other trade arrangements potentially gain more prominence? This article analyzes actions taken by Brazil and India in WTO’s Doha Development Agenda (DDA) and concludes that the multilateral system of trade will survive as Global South states participate in the organization to seek not just material gains but also to commit themselves to the international normative dimension.
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| 12 |
ID:
021571
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| Publication |
Jan 2002.
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| Description |
53-104
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| 13 |
ID:
109157
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| 14 |
ID:
056231
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| 15 |
ID:
081740
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article explores the relationship between power and rules within the context of international relations, utilizing as a case-study what is arguably the most powerful international juridical institution in the world today, the World Trade Organization (WTO). The author draws upon a number of his previous works on the subject of the WTO and its predecessor, the GATT, wending through such topics as: the way that political and diplomatic leaders improvized and filled in the gaps of international institutions when the original idea for an International Trade Organization (ITO) failed; the remarkably elaborate development of the particularly deep and rich WTO Dispute Settlement (DS) jurisprudence (over 60,000 pages); and the constant tension between the role of nation-state power and the power allocated to international institutions, apparently necessitated by the huge impact of 'globalization' and interdependency in world affairs (especially economic) today. Various specific issues and cases illustrate these tensions and allocations, including treaty interpretation techniques, the degree of deference towards the members' government actions, the arguments about the appropriate role of the 'adjudicators', and the delicately sensitive approach of the DS system towards clashes of policy necessitating 'balance'. Throughout, particular emphasis is laid upon the 'rule oriented' ('more legalization') approach of the WTO DS jurisprudence, both in reflection on the historical and current developments of that juridical system-from 'power oriented' to 'rule oriented'-and also in the important roles regarding tensions between 'sovereignty' concepts and international rule needs.
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| 16 |
ID:
085542
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article looks at the Chinese debate on economic security during the period between 1997 and 2004. The contemporary concept of economic security (jingji anquan), was first raised in the Chinese academic literature in 1997, partly as a reaction to the Asian financial crisis and partly due to the increasing role China began to play in globalization, the effects of which it increasingly felt as its economy became more integrated with that of the world. This article examines the emergence of the discourse on economic security within Chinese academic circles, and identifies the development of this concept in China between 1997 and 2004 prior to the ascendancy of the 'fourth-generation' leadership.
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| 17 |
ID:
021254
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| Publication |
Spring 2002.
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| Description |
210-236
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| 18 |
ID:
069041
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| 19 |
ID:
059464
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| Publication |
Nov-Dec 2004.
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| 20 |
ID:
054089
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