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ID:
114507
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article provides a brief overview of the theoretical literature on the rise of China, and then explores the implications of the rise of China for the U.S.- China rivalry. It then describes sources of underlying tensions in the Sino-Indian relationship. China and India are not only engaged in a competition for power and influence in Asia, but they are also locked in a particularly contentious border dispute. The authors then argue that economic interdependence may not be enough to offset the sources of conflict in the Sino-Indian rivalry. This holds true in spite of the presence of nuclear weapons by both sides in this dyad. Therefore, a limited conventional war remains a distinct possibility even though it is by no means inevitable.
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| 2 |
ID:
114501
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The major, middle and small powers on China's periphery are often portrayed as passive objects of great power competition between the United States and China, but in fact the foreign policy strategies of these states plays a significant role in shaping Sino-U.S. relations and the overall order in Asia. Before examining the actors on China's periphery in this important FPRI conference, therefore, it is worth starting at the macro-level of international relations in Asia within which they operate.
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| 3 |
ID:
114503
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The author argues that U.S. interest in Asia traditionally has been maintaining the balance of power to prevent the rise of any regional hegemony. Yet against this anti-hegemony objective is balanced an attempt to accommodate China. If China keeps this commitment, the United States will welcome the emergence of a China that is peaceful and prosperous and that cooperates with America to address common challenges and mutual interests.
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| 4 |
ID:
114502
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article offers a closer examination of the way in which the 2010 crisis emerged between Japan and China. The debate that it sponsored within Japan suggests that a crisis management initiative between Beijing and Tokyo rather than an overall reconciliation agenda may be what is now needed. The author contents that greater predictability and transparency in these maritime interactions will go a long way to developing confidence in what has to date been a very uneasy and publicly sensitive aspect of the bilateral relationship.
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| 5 |
ID:
114504
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| Publication |
2012.
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This article places the emergent Chinese discussion about frontiers into a broader historical context. It then turns to a detailed analysis of the heterodox stances on frontiers that Yu Xiaofeng and Xu Lili, and Ma Rong have recently articulated. The conclusion notes that such relatively iconoclastic approaches to territory still stand outside the mainstream of official policy and elite writing about China's boundaries. However, it will also maintain the writings that are the focal point of this article have nonetheless begun to carve out a space for re-imagining China's current approach to territory and nationality.
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| 6 |
ID:
114506
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| Publication |
2012.
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With the announcement in 2010 that sovereignty over the South China Sea was a national interest comparable to Taiwan or Tibet, China has created a new geopolitical situation in East Asia. Although Peking would seem to expect that her neighbors, all relatively smaller than China, will accept these new claims, both initial reactions and political science theory suggest instead that a countervailing coalition will be formed to offset them. Just what Taiwan will do, however, is an important question given the island's key strategic position, its democratic government, and its increasing connectedness with China. This essay reviews the history of American approaches to East Asian alliances, arguing that at one time Washington considered dropping ties with Tokyo in favor of Peking. Then it examines the new situation, finding the United States uneasily seeking to balance China and Taiwan likely to join in.
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| 7 |
ID:
114500
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article argues that the United States government should be acting rapidly to decrease the risks the country is running in cyberspace. While the private sector has a critical part to play in enhancing the country's cybersecurity posture, the government also has a necessary role. It is on the government's role that this article focuses. The article begins by discussing the characteristics of cyberspace. Next, the challenge of cybersecurity is explored through a risk management model that addresses, in turn, threats, vulnerabilities, and potential consequences. Finally, the article lays out some of the characteristics of an effective government response, which help to illuminate a few of the strategic and organizational challenges that will have to be overcome to improve the country's security in the cyber realm.
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| 8 |
ID:
114508
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Although the shift back towards a more normal international order seems inevitable, its timing and manner are not. The transformation will be smoother and America's security will be greater if the U.S. adapts to changing circumstances by exercising restraint and placing greater responsibility on allied and other associated states. Ultimately, the status of the Near Seas matters most to nearby nations which are both prosperous and friendly. They must do more to preserve an open political and economic order in East Asia.
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| 9 |
ID:
114505
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
China's hard line and repressive policies have often stood in the way of its acceptance on the international stage. This legacy has nowhere been more evident than with respect to its national minority policies applied in Tibet. While China long ago in the 1951 17-point Agreement agreed to provide autonomy to Tibetans it has never delivered on this promise, offering repression and assimilation instead. In nearly every diplomatic outing, as was especially evident in the lead up to the 2008 Beijing Olympics, China's Tibet policies have been an issue. With the 2007 UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and the 2008 Tibetan Memorandum on Genuine Autonomy for the Tibetan People China surely has excellent guidance for a more humane policy to meet Tibetan concerns. With reference to its historical legacy and international standards, this article encourages China to embrace such policy reform.
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