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| 1 |
ID:
113764
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The debate about the outcome of the negotiated settlement that ended South Africa's anti-apartheid struggle rages on. The author of this article, who is also on the side of the debate that argues that South Africa's Black majority was short-changed by the outcome, affirms that argument here, and insists that negotiated settlement amounts to 'surrendered revolution' that allowed White South Africans to retain monopoly of the economy. He enjoins 'progressive forces' in South Africa to remobilize and finish the 'unfinished revolution' that will achieve a different outcome, which will right the historic economic wrong that consigned and keeps South Africa's Black majority in crushing poverty.
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| 2 |
ID:
113760
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In Kwandiwe Kondlo's In the Twilight of the Revolution (2009), which examines the role of the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC) of Azania in South Africa's anti-apartheid struggle as the backdrop, this article surveys the momentum of social revolution in Sub-Saharan Africa during the decolonization era that started in the mid-20th century and ended with South Africa's transition to a multi-racial democracy in 1994. It argues that the failure of the African elite to achieve a genuine independence from both colonial rule and South Africa's apartheid system is largely because of inconsistent nationalist ideologies and the detachment of the African elite from the popular struggles of the people, which could have resulted in the revolutionary overthrow of the colonial state and the dawn of more progressive and autonomous states all across Black Africa. It concludes that this failure led to the continuing instability of the post-colonial states across Africa and, in South Africa, to the achievement of a particular form of multi-racial democracy with very little or no change to the real politics of apartheid and Boer domination.
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| 3 |
ID:
113762
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The author of this contribution examines the role that Cape Town played in the advent of Pan-Africanism in South Africa from abroad through the activist efforts of individuals from the West Indies, United States of America (USA) and West Africa in the early twentieth century. He traces how Pan-Africanism in Cape Town went through a number of different phases, the most important politically being that of the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC) in 1959-60.
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| 4 |
ID:
113763
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The historicity of the liberation movements in South Africa is a subject of contestation. This is because their contributions to the post-1994 democratic state is interpreted and understood differently. Often this is influenced by the side of the political stratum of a historian. This article adds to such contestation, but not on political grounds. It is framed on scholarly terms. This article examines the politics of transition in South Africa and determines whether the much bandied about concept of a 'developmental state' has any linkages to it. The reason for this is that the concept is used lately as a defining character of South Africa's post-1994 democratic state. The driving puzzle in the discourse is systematically addressed in the context of the theory of the politics of transition and the evolution and application of the concept of a 'developmental state' in the political thinking of the African National Congress (ANC). The article argues that the concept is unrelated to the politics of transitions which, instead, were more focused on building a democratic state rather than a 'developmental state' in South Africa. It concludes that it is inappropriate to characterize South Africa's post-1994 democratic state as a developmental state because it is a long way from that.
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| 5 |
ID:
113759
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The written history and narratives of the anti-apartheid liberation struggle in South Africa has been cast, albeit erroneously, as if it was waged and won solely by the African National Congress (ANC), its ally the South African Communist Party (SACP), and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), the three alliance partners that have held the reins of state power since the first multi-racial democratic elections in 1994. The truth is that the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC) of Azania, the Azania People's Organization (AZAPO), the New Unity Movement (NUMO), and several other liberation movements played significantly vital roles in that struggle. The ensuing discourse puts this state of affairs on the PAC's diminished status in the politics of post-liberation South Africa, which derives partly from its radical antecedents from its inception that placed it apart from the ANC from which it split in 1959, earned it immediate proscription from the apartheid stage before it could root itself properly as well as notoriety in the West. The discourse argues and concludes that a more comprehensive narrative and written history of that struggle will benefit the on-going quest for the transformation of South Africa's multi-racial democracy and the course of democracy in the rest of Africa.
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| 6 |
ID:
113761
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This unique essay, in which the author reminisces on and draws from his involvement as an expert witness in one of South Africa's apartheid era political trials, is testimony that ideas live independently of their creators. Although the author was initially mentioned in the trial by the prosecution, which claimed that his book, Why Men Rebel, provided a four-stage model of revolutionary strategy for cadres of the Black People's Convention (BPC) and the South African Students' Organization (SASO), his subsequent testimony was for the defense, and was used to counter the prosecution. Here, the author applies the Why Men Rebel theory to South Africa to assess the issues raised in Kwandiwe Kondlo's book, In the Twilight of the Revolution (2009), which examines the role played by the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC) as well as the resultant multi-racial democratic dispensation in post-apartheid South Africa in South Africa's anti-apartheid struggle. The essay and the revelations it encompasses are quite deep and relevant for a critical understanding of the trend of politics in post-liberation South Africa, in particular, and post-colonial Africa in general.
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