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| 1 |
ID:
116644
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
It seems unlikely that a statesman like Georges Clemenceau could be elected in the West today. The son of a political activist, Clemenceau was sent to Paris for an education in medicine, but quickly became immersed in radical politics. He wrote for and founded several journals that attacked the regime of Napoleon III. He served one 73-day stint in prison, decided that was enough, and sought refuge in America just after he received his medical licence. He returned to France after its loss in the Franco-Prussian war, participated in the Paris Commune, and was one of the intellectual leaders of the movement to revenge the loss to Germany known as revanchisme. Early on, he was nicknamed 'Le Tigre' after his fierce style of debate, a reputation that followed him all the way to the office of prime minister.
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| 2 |
ID:
132791
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Japan merits serious study as a diplomatic and strategic power in the twenty-first century for several reasons. Although her population size is declining because of shrinking birth rates and restrictive immigration, the ratio of seniors is increasing --with increasing demands for pensions and state-supported safety nets - and the number of younger participants in the growth of her economy and public life is declining, the Japanese people have demonstrated a high degree of discipline and internal social cohesion at times of war, peace and crisis. An example is their fortitude during the recent (2011) nuclear and tsunami disasters. After 1945, her social and political values stress the importance of harmony and consensus building in her domestic arrangements, and the Japanese people and ruling elites value rejection of war as the sovereign right of the Japanese state. For this reason, domestic public opinion matters in the making and orientation of Japan 's external policies following her defeat in 1945 and with the establishment of a pacifist constitution and constitutional democracy. The population is not easily swayed by radical political and nationalistic rhetoric, even though in recent years, nationalist sentiment has grown in Japan and this was signalled by the election of Prime Minister S/2in;o Abe (2012). Still, despite the centre-right tilt in Japanese public and elite opinion in recent years, the Japanese people demand a thorough assessment of new moves to shift strategic policy and constitutional arrangements on defence issues.
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| 3 |
ID:
171462
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Oxford University Press, 2018.
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| Description |
xvi, 388p.: tables, figureshbk
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| Standard Number |
9780199479634
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 059873 | 320.5493/SHA 059873 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 4 |
ID:
131538
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
These are critical times for democratic politics from Morocco to Iran, as heterogeneous popular movements for greater representation and social justice increasingly challenge established authorities. It is not surprising that these struggles have laid claim to symbolic urban places in the process of claiming their collective political demands. Politics is not purely discursive or institutional; it always has material and spatial dimensions, which for democratic politics is manifested through public space. For all the recent enthusiasm about the emancipating possibilities of the digital media, the fact remains that Tahrir Square (Cairo), Gezi Park (Istanbul), Revolution Street (Tehran), and Pearl Roundabout (Manama) are not virtual locations on the Internet.
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| 5 |
ID:
141135
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This article attempts to align ‘queer’ and ‘Third World’ – grouping them in their common inheritance of subjugation and disparagement and their shared allegiance to non-alignment and a politics aimed at disrupting domination and the status quo. In assembling both terms one is struck by how, in the mainstream discourse of international development, the Third World comes off looking remarkably queer: under Western eyes it has often been constructed as perverse, abnormal and passive. Its sociocultural values and institutions are seen as deviantly strange – backward, effete, even effeminate. Its economic development is depicted as abnormal, always needing to emulate the West, yet never living up to the mark (‘emerging’ perhaps, but never quite arriving). For their part, postcolonial Third World nation-states have tended to disown and purge such queering – by denying their queerness; indeed often characterising it as a ‘Western import’ – yet at the same time imitating the West and pursuing neoliberal capitalist growth. I want not only to make the claim that the Western and Third World stances are two sides of the same discourse but, drawing on Lacanian queer theory, also to suggest that a ‘queer Third World’ would better transgress this discourse by embracing queerness as the site of structural negativity and destabilising politics.
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| 6 |
ID:
124491
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The first image that the question of violence in the Middle East conjures up, especially in the West, is that of the suicide bomber. This association, etched into the political imaginary particularly over the course of the last two decades, is due neither to the number of victims suicide bombing creates (more conventional weapons of war can claim as many or more victims), nor to the identity of its victims (conventional weapons are also often directed at civilians). Rather, the potency of the image of the suicide bomber is connected to the simultaneously self-destructive and other-directed form that this act of violence takes. If the Orientalist impulse that has raised the image of the suicide bomber to iconic status is deeply problematic, it nonetheless constitutes an involuted acknowledgement of a reality: the significant rise in self-destructive violence (and not just in the Middle East). I have in mind practices such as hunger striking, self-immolation, and fatal self-mutilation, which constitute an emergent repertoire of struggle that has come to mark a certain current of radical politics around the globe. Those modalities of self-destructive violence that are not directed at others are overshadowed by suicide bombing.
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