|
|
|
Sort Order |
|
|
|
Items / Page
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
117953
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2012.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article is a response to Evron's argument, offering readers another perspective to assess China's military modernization and war fighting capabilities, using the same framework and methodology. It examines three topics: China's national security and military strategy, the PLA's procurement decision-making process, and China's military support and mobilization system. It concludes that, China's military modernization is to fight and win local wars under the conditions of informatization, but if required the PLA can reliably supply large numbers of sophisticated weapons and spare parts, to wage a complex and prolonged conflict.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
111151
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2012.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article attempts to lay out a conceptual framework for evaluating the actual military value of China's newly developed weaponry. Its basic assumption is that technological military progress is not sufficient to increase military strength. Therefore an alternative approach is adopted that studies the adaptability of the new technologies to the country's strategic situation. To this end, the study assumes that the value of a weapon system is measured by its suitability to the country's military, economic and technological conditions. The country's ability to meet these requirements depends to a large extent on the procurement process. Exploring China's recent military procurement approach, the study finds that under the prevailing conditions, China's military procurement process could reduce the actual military value of the newly developed weaponry.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
171650
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The paper summarises the evolution of the iron triangle of the mutual relationships amongst the ministry of defence, defence industry, and the political elite in the post-communist Czech Republic in 1990-2020. The essay stresses the oddness of this relationship. On the one hand, the government is bound by a partnership to the Defence and Security Industry Association of the Czech Republic (DSIA), a lobbying group of more than 100 organisations that conduct business in defence and security sector in Czechia. Yet, since its creation in 2000, this assemblage of industries within DSIA's market position is falling, in fact. Neither political parties in power, nor the governments have been able to support national defence industry through the small military. Just a few DSIA national members are able to compete internationally with their cutting-edge products. Others have evolved into middlemen trading intime-expired Czechoslovak equipment retired from the Czech Armed Forces.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
086524
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
New Delhi, Manas Publications, 2006.
|
| Description |
202p.
|
| Standard Number |
8070492750
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 054132 | 355.6/MAL 054132 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
076953
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2007.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This paper models the determination of the defence industrial base - the number of different military systems a country decides to maintain. High R&D costs means that few countries can afford to produce major weapons systems and the producers also import systems. Non-producers rely on imports and we assume their demand is driven by regional arms races. Military capability is determined by the number of systems and the quantity and quality of each. We examine how the defence industrial base is influenced by military expenditures, R&D costs, export controls, the nature of regional arms races and a variety of other factors.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 6 |
ID:
123827
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2013.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
As budget cuts slice into military operations, training and procurement, nearly every modern militrary force in the world is trying to figure out how to operate with less funding.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 7 |
ID:
130334
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2013.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
An expanding list of materiel is eyed as "dual Use" by military personnel and their counterparts in civil sector units. Manned and unmanned ground vehicles, and UAVs are among equipment deployed in an expanding number of missions in both communities. Simultaneously, the sectors are attentive to procurement opportunities at the "sub-system" levels.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 8 |
ID:
123852
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2013.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The article offers news briefs related to naval procurement in Latin America as of April 2013. Argentina is to acquire six new offshore patrol vessels (OPVs) from the lifeboats maker Fassmer. The government of Brazil is offering the surface ship procurement programme PROSUPER. Venezuela has acquired the fourth economic zone patrol vessel PVOZEE from the shipbuilding company Navantia SA
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 9 |
ID:
104487
|
|
|
| 10 |
ID:
130080
|
|
|
| 11 |
ID:
190447
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The willingness of defence departments to select the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter (JSF) for their fifth-generation multirole fighter has frequently been analyzed as stemming from the close historical connections allies such as Japan or Canada have with the United States. However, such an approach glosses over or ignores the operation of military procurement processes which are more idiosyncratic and subject to many pushes and pulls from different actors and directions. This article compares the experiences of Australia and Canada in procuring the JSF. Both countries are British Commonwealth members, with a long history of supporting western, and in particular, US alliances. But while Australia has secured its F-35 procurement and the Royal Australian Air Force (RAAF) has already received its F-35s, Canada has only recently overcome a lengthy F-35 procurement battle that remains mired in controversy and will not deliver to the Royal Canadian Air Force (RCAF) an aircraft for several years yet. This comparative case study between Australian and Canadian defence priorities offers a new explanation for this disparity of procurement success based on the need to both create and maintain alignment between government strategic defence policy and military service doctrine if major platform purchasing decisions are to survive.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 12 |
ID:
018252
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2000.
|
| Description |
271-300
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 13 |
ID:
155772
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Armament policies are determined by domestic rather than international politics according to liberal IR perspectives. More specifically, military transformation processes in democratic countries are understood as being informed by the political need to limit the number of casualties during military operations. Consequently, liberal scholars assume a distinct democratic eagerness to resort to precision-guided munitions, drones, or even cyber attacks. Our analysis challenges this explanation of democratic armament policies. We evaluate the timing and programmatic choices of armament policies of 33 countries, democratic and non-democratic, combining different indicators of information technology procurement and usage by national militaries. Based on this data, countries are categorized into Revolution in Military Affairs leaders, uppers, followers, stragglers, entrants, and non-participants. Finally, we test the explanatory power of two competing independent variables, representing casualty shyness versus capability-based explanations of military transformation processes. Our results show that realist assumptions yield strong correlations, while liberal assumptions do not produce statistically significant results.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 14 |
ID:
129673
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Since the year 2000, several South American countries strongly invested in armaments. At the same time, they increasingly resorted to diplomacy and cooperative institutions to maintain peace. This paper establishes a nexus between motivations for re-armament and recent debates on regional security governance and the emergence of regional powers. Most traditional theories have considered armament to be a function of either the perception of external threat or the availability of economic means. In contrast, this article contends that the rise in arms spending cannot be understood without taking into consideration: (a) the coexistence of a stable power balance, security community thinking and practices in regional security governance; and (b) the desire of emerging states to increase their regional or global roles. This analysis emphasizes non-conflict-driven external motives for military procurement as a new and vital determinant, largely neglected in previous research on the region's military spending. Case studies of three major South American spenders, Brazil, Chile and Venezuela, underscore the significance of non-conflict-driven external factors in military procurement. Their experience shows how emergence of regional powers has the potential to offset the contradictions between conventional security logics, as the tendency of states to purchase arms for non-conflict-related reasons equally supports balance of power and security community thinking.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 15 |
ID:
068869
|
|
|
| 16 |
ID:
115473
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|